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                    <text>Black Kcm's History'

http.7Avwvv.ciacccss.com/~jdncwby/black 1 .htm

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national historic site &amp; museum

The Buxton (El8in) Settlement. A Cultural Landscape

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Black History of Southwestern Ontario

-•IsSUS
Rev, Kino
Black Power Town
liannv Fai-ros
JloL’iiij OimUi
James Rapier
Maple Leaf Band
Threshing Time
Women of Buxton
Marv Anne Shadd
Buxton Bell
Abraham Shadd
Black Kent's History'
Better from Buxton

This information is taken from a Black History project completed by
students and Staff from Chatham Collegiate Institute in Chatham, Ontario.
Material was compiled from the collections of the Chatham - Kent sites of the African Canadian Heritage Tour.

Introduction To Elgin
The Elgin settlement, also known as Buxton, was Uie last of four organized black settlements to
come into existence in Canada. Hie black population of Canada West and Chatham was already
high because of the area’s proximity to the United States of America. The land was purchased by
the Elgin Association through the Presbyterian Synod for the purpose of creating a settlement.
The land lay 12 miles south of Chatham. When news of the Elgin settlement spread, white
settlers became worried, and attempted to block its development with a petition. Regardless of
sentiment, plans for the settlement went ahead and many of Buxton's settlers feared for the life of
William King due to the resistance of whites.

Search this site!

L
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Heritage Tchip !

Rules for the Elgin Settlemc
People of Elgin
The First Six Graduates of f
Resistance to the Elgin Seftl.
Chatham The 1850*3

Resettlement of Africa

The Chatham Convenl
.r
William King believed that blacks could function
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successfully in a working society if given the same
! The Death of John Br&lt;i
..... educational opportunities as white children. "Blacks
- ■''
are intellectually capable of absorbing classical and
‘
............aiiers." Being a reverend and teacher, the building of a school and church in
jb:: /.%■■ rtr-'accessary by him. The settlement also was home to the logging industry'. George Brow
rFathers of Confederation was a supporter of William King and helped build the scttlen

Search

:

Found on this pag&lt;

mlmm-M i«49

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____

■ 1

Send Mail to
Buxton

-

Website by
JDXEWHY

Rev. William King
Founder of the Elgin Settlement,
Rev. William King established a
community that still exists today.
This community is considered by
many as one of the only
settlements began as a haven for
Blacks escaping slavery to have
been a success. Much of the
credit for the success of the
settlement mast be given to Rev.
William King and his thoughtful
development of this community.

Vilisam King and his fifteen former slaves arrived at the land, which was bough
already waiting and others began to arrive soon afterwards. The first settler, Isaac Rile
seU*emcnl before King even arrived. Mostly all adults living in the settlement had beer
was ma&lt;k °f 9 000 acres of land, 6 miles in lengtli, 3 in width situated between the Gr&lt;
Erie. The land was divided into farms of 50 acres each. Certain standards had to be ma
&gt;ro(&gt;cny conditions. I -and had to be purchased by the settlers at the price of!
.......tn ten equal installments with 6% interest Ten years was allowed for the settlsettlers would have had a deed in possession by then. The settlers were given no monej
tools; the only thing given was protection and advice.

!i&gt;p
Rules for the Elgin Settlement:
1. No liquor allowed on the settlement
2. Land could only be sold to blacks and had to remain in their
hands for ten years
3. I-ind had to be purchased not leased
4 Each house had to be built at least 24x18x12 feet with a
porch across the front
5. Each house had to be built 33 feet from the road, with a
picket fence and flower garden in front; prizes were given for
the most attractive home (made from Uie logs cut down from
the thick bush surrounding the area)

Gravesion*

Reasons for the strict rules:
William King wanted a stable settlement for the black settlers. By requiring the inhabitants to pay for their own
property and possessions he hoped to instill a sense of pride in the community. The settlers also had to live on the
land for ten years, which made many stay a reasonable length of time in Buxton. The rules paid off as Buxton has
been hailed the only successful black settlement in Canada.

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Found in South
of one of the oi
Settlement. Th
what was the E
located in what
Buxton sites ar

1850
Reverend William King and a young assistant, John Rennie, took young black children (and two white children who attended the:
school level and on to the secondary level. Those with the ability were encouraged to attend college or post secondary education. 1
many white settlers asked to close their school and attend the King school, this made one of the first integrated schools in North Ar
were studied there. Mary Ann Shadd's parents and a number of her brothers and sisters moved just outside of the Buxton limits.
1851
A new course, Greek, was added to school classes.

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2/6/02 3:24 PM

�■ -"‘v-rv

PvCn‘s History

http://www.ciacccss.com/~jdnewby/black 1 .htm

&amp;
1852
The day school had 78 on the roll, 26 were children of white parents. King was chiefly paid by the Home Mission Committee of tl
Canada, which always bore testimony against the evils of slavery. By August 1st, 1852 there were 400 settlers. Twenty-five Tamil:
together, furthering the community atmosphere. Within the district there were about 100 families. Of the 350 acres of land cleared
under crop. The land had been adapted to grow com, tobacco and hemp. 'The rule of no alcohol was working well as there are no c
court of arbitration was set up to encourage peace among the settlers.
1853
130 families had settled on Elgin Association land. There were a total of 520. 500 acres had been cleared and were under fence; 1:
acres were planted with com, 60 acres with wheat, 29 with oats and 90 with various others. There were 112 students now enrolled
1854
More houses were built in the settlement, one person even constructed a brick home. There were approximately 150 families settle
acres were cleared and under fence, 174 were cut down and ready for clearing. 334 acres were planted with com, 95 with wheat, 4
assorted crops. The day school had 147 students registered.
1855
827 acres were under fence, 216 have been chopped down. There is a considerable amount of tobacco being farmed. The school n&lt;
mill and market are completed on July 4th, 1855.
1856
By 1856 there were close to 800 people living in the Elgin Settlement. The settlement now had a school and mission's church. The
after the Earl of Buxton (British Parliament) who passed the Emancipation Act of 1833. During 1856 the Elgin settlement had a p
hotel, a blacksmith, a carpenter, shoe shops, factories and a savings bank. Six men had finished their education at King's school.
1857
Two schools had been doing well, one male and one female, bringing the total student population to
140.

-

1860's
The population comes to a height with 2000 people.

m
....

People

i

Reverend William King
William King was bom on November 11th, 1812 in Ireland. He attended the Glascow University
where he was influenced by social reforms and the work of the famous British abolitionist, Sir Thomas
Foxwell Buxton, hi 1834 William King emigrated with his parents to North America. The family
settled on a land. Ohio farm and then moved to South Jackson Louisiana. Here he became Rector of
Matthew's Academy which was a private school for children of wealthy plantation owners. Eventually
William King married Mary Pharos and she brought four slaves. King was totally opposed to any such
idea and publicly protested slavery.

S.S.# 13 Raleigh Tc

Education was a focal point i
Buxton schools were sought
education that included the c
siu-'h a-s medicine and law. T
segregated and taught both b
This is the second school ant
stands today and is used as ai
From the very beginning King was against slavery. After his wife, son and museum's ambitions for the 1
daughter all died, King returned to Scotland where he continued his
school hoase to its original si
schooling to become a minister and missionary. The Presbyterian Church
of Scotland posted him to do missionary work in Canada. In 1846 King arrived in Canada when he le.
King immediately returned to Louisiana where he inherited his wife's property and retrieved his slaves
back in Canada in 1848 with 14 black slaves and 4 year old Solomon, the son of one of the slaves. Th
King's black community in November of 1849. King did marry again while he lived on the Elgin Setll
(who was white) was known to be a bit eccentric. She supposedly was unable to have children of her c
on the street away from their parents. However she was a musician and taught music at the settlement,
character based on Reverend William King is portrayed in Harriet Beacher Stowe's book - Dred, A Tt
Isaac Riley

Rev. William King

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Isaac Riley was raised in Perry County, Missour
escaped to Canada with his wife and their child.
Windsor he was able to earn small wages. He me
he found belter pay. Riley then moved back to St
he was paid 50 cents a day. Eventually he movee
his children to have a good education.
Henry Johnson
Henry Johnson was originally from Pennsylvanit

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�i

http://www.ciaccess.com/~jdncwby/black 1 .htm

Bla&lt;* Kent's History
4r

.
coming to Canada. Henry lived in various parts (
moving to the Buxton Settlement. "I came to Car
liberty. But most of all I came to Buxton so my c
education." One of his daughters had been doing
Ohio. She had been advancing quickly through tire levels and was receiving her education with ladies. Her mother went through a
was well dressed and groomed when she went to school also. The school trustees, however, passed a rule that did not allow black &lt;
Her father became upset and visited the trustees but there was nothing he could do about the rule. The teacher contacted Henry Jol
his daughter and that the students had voted in class that she should stay but the vote had already been passed. Johnson was very ii
Settlement. He told historian Benjamin Drew in 1856 that the people were prosperous and admired tire fact that they didn't accept
E. A. Richardson BATE. Church
North Buxton

Clarissa Bristow Johnston
Clarissa Bristow Johnston worked for a master and mistress in Louisiana, At age 12 she escaped. She went to the Elgin Settlement
Abraham Johnston of the Christiana Riots fame. She and her husband had 11 children, 9 of which died. Her husband also died yoi
how she would go out to bury one child and by the time she returned, another would have passed away. Through all of this she wa
farm. Hie farm is still on the same property with the same family today in Buxton.
Top

The First Six GTiIrS ataTregrt a i+Ava reimicBCra min —hhbh
Dr. Anderson Abbott
Dr. Abbott was educated in the Elgin settlement as one of William King's first 6 graduates. He studied medicine at the University &lt;
of the Medical Board of Upper Canada in 1861. In 1863 he served as a surgeon in the United States Army under Dr. Augusta. Lai
at the Washington Hospital until he resigned in April 1866.
He returned to Canada and married Mary Ann Casey. They set up residence on Park St. in Chatham. Dr. Abbott began
to practice medicine from the Hunton Block on William Street In Chatham, Dr. Abbott was president of Wilberlorce
Educational Institute from 1873-1880. He was the associate editor of the Missionary' Messenger, published by the
British Methodist Episcopal Church and president of the Chatham Literary and Debating Society. During the year of
1878 he was President of Chatham's Medical Society. He was also one of the first Coroners for Kent County. Doctor
Abbott died in December, 1913.

James Rapier
James Rapier was one of William King’s first 6 graduates. He attended Knox College in Toronto and later came back
to Buxton to teach at the SS #13. After the American Civil War he returned to Alabama where he became a slate
representative.

,
fy:

riv

H

Alfred Laffcrty
Alfred Lafferty was one of the first 6 graduates from the Elgin School, SS #13. Alfred Laffcrty graduated from the
University of Toronto's mathematics program. In Chatham Laffcrty held the post of principal of the Wilberforcc
Educational Institute from 1875-1882. He was an active member of tlie Literary Society and a lodge. In 1886 he
became a lawyer in Chatham.
Thomas Stringer
Thomas was one of the first six graduates of Rev. King's school in Buxton. He graduated as an adult student. Some of
his accomplishments included founding the BME (British Methodist Episcopal) Churches in Chatham and Buxton. He
returned to Mississippi and became an orator there after the Civil War in the USA. The Most Worshipful Stringer
Grand Lodge in Mississippi was named after him.
Richard Johnson
Richard Jolinson was one of Rev. King’s first six graduates who became a medical doctor and a missionary in Africa.

Dr. And&lt;
One of thi

Buxton M
prominent
informalic
link that a
blip wiv

Jerome Riley
Jerome Riley was another of Rev. King's first six grads who became a medical doctor and worked in Washington.
Top

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2/6/02 3:26 PM

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To: buxton@ciaccess.com
Subject: local historical research

Page 1 of 1

a. J (? jo 2, &amp;Q. i. dC~

Can you please check your files to see if you can find any reference confirming the existence
of a "Andrew Jackson" from Mississippi who passed through Deerfield, Illinois on the
Underground
Railroad circa 1858-1860? We are trying to confirm a local story that says Deerfield
abolitionist Lyman Wilmot arranged for him to live with and work for the Lorenz Ott family one
winter until he could head north to Canada in the spring. That family received one letter saying
he had arrived safely, but that was the last they heard of him. Unfortunately, we do not know if
"Andrew Jackson" was his real name. There is a fugitive narrative by someone else with the
same name written earlier (1847) but that person was from Kentucky and the circumstances
do not seem to match our fugitive's, who was supposed to have been the son of a white
master and a black slave.
I tried to search the list of names on your web site, the one following the list of families, but
all I got was the message "not found" for the link to the "persons" - perhaps you can search
this a different way?
Also, if you have any other suggestions, we would appreciate it. Thank you.
Sincerely, C.H. Wargo, Reference Librarian

Printed for Deerfield Public Library Reference &lt;dfrefdesk@nslsilus.org&gt;

2/6/02

�http://www.ciaccess.com/~jdnewby/sumames_found.htm

urnames Found in BME Cemetery

*. .

buxton Thenational
historic site &amp; museum
Buxton (Elgin) Settlement - A Cultural Landscape
Search this site!
j Search

(5897-bytes)
;

Send Mail to
Buxton
Website by
JDXF.IVBY

Surnames found in the
I British Methodist Episcopal Church Cemetery
Taken from transcriptions courtesy of Kent Genealogical Society and the Ccmctary Board

Print This Page?
Anderson
Banister
Bell
B inford
Black
Brooks
Brown
Burfit
Burke
Burse
Burton
Calendar
Carter
Chase
Chavis
Collins
Cooper
Cosby
Craig
Cronan
Cromwell
Cronan
Crosby
Crosswhight
Drake
Doo

Doston
Drys
Dyke
Ellezy
Enos
Evans
Freeman
Garel
Givens
Gray
Griffin
Griffith
Groce
Gunn
Harden
Harding
Harris
Harrison
Hawkins
Hicks
Hooper^
JacksorD
Johnson
Johnston
Jones
Kersey

Lawson
Lewis
Malone
Malott
Martin
Matthews
Middleton
Miller
Moore
Morris
Morton
Newby
Nuby
Owens
Park
Parker
Parsons
Patton
Peaker
Peker
Pierce
Poindexter
Prince
Redding
Rice
Richardson

Riddle
Robbins
Robinson
Ross
Sanders
Scott
Segee
Shadd
Short
Shreve
Simms
Smith
Steele
Thomas
Timbers
Toyer
Travis
Tyler
Vincent
Walker
Watts
Webb
White
Wilson
Zebbs

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2/6/02 2:42 PM

�background

http://www.ciacccss.com/~jdncwby/backgrou.htm

buxton national historic site &amp; museum
The Buxton (Elgin) Settlement - A Cultural Landscape,

Background
jnfonnation
History
Events
Contributions
Interactive Pages
External Links
Newsletters Etc
Gifts Books Etc
Search this site!

Search

‘•Hr ssmrnxi
Herrtege Tour
Send Mail to
Buxton

THIS MUSEUM, officially opened in 1967. was Raleigh Township’s Centennial Project as a memorial to the Elgin
Settlement, haven for the fugitives of the American system of slavery in the pre-Civil War years.
THE ELGIN SETTLEMENT, which was for many the last stop on the Underground Railroad, was founded in 1849. Under
the guidance and supervision of Rev. William King, litis historic Black settlement soon nourished, becoming a self sufficient
community of some 1200 to 2000 persons. Its first school, the Buxton Mission School, soon surpassed its neighbours in
academic achievements. The settlement built around an agricultural economy included many thriving businesses owned and
operated by the settlers, such a saw and grist mill, a potash and pearlash factors', a brick yard, hotel, blacksmith shop, and dry
goods store, among others. Part of the success of many of the early inhabitants was assisted by the fact that the employment
opportunities offered by the construction of the cross-Canada railway enabled them to purchase outright the land they had
settled. And their many achievements were enhanced by the emphasis they placed on quality education for themselves and
their children.
THE SECOND SCHOOL, set up in the northern end of the settlement now functions as part of the museum. The tlirce
churches built during the settlement’s early years still serve this community. The road and drainage systems built by the early
settlers still serve the widespread farming area.
FOLLOWING THE CIVIL WAR and during the period of reconstruction in the States, many of the settlers returned to their
homes in the south to help educate their recently emancipated friends and neighbours.
NOW KNOWN AS BUXTON, the Elgin Settlement is one of the few remaining Black Canadian settlements still in
existence since the pre-Civil War era. It is a community which has, to a large extent, preserved the co-operative way of life
with which it was begun.
THE OLD SCHOOL (1861) and cemetery (1S57) are on the grounds adjacent to the museum. Farm implements and tools of
the times, household good and furnishings, clothing, jewelry, personal belongings of some ofthe original settlers, and much
more, are all displayed to bring to life the era of the nourishing Elgin Settlement. A part of history gone but not forgotten.

Website by

JDNEWBY

The Museum is maintained through grants from the Municipality of Chatham - Kent, and the Ontario Ministry of Culture
and Communication, admission fees, and donations.
Facilities include a large picnic shelter and barbecue, washrooms, a wheelchair access ramp to the museum and plenty of free
parking Of special note is the Research Area which contains resource materials pertaining to local history and genealogy.
North Buxton Today is inhabited, for the most part, by descendants of those original settlers who elected to remain in
Canada. Though no longer the nourishing community it once was, it still remains a vital and active Black Canadian village,
which continues to remember and preserve its role, and its roots in North American Black history and in the history of
Canada. In 1964 these descendants petitioned the Raleigh Township Council to allow them to use the grants provided for
Centennial projects by the Federal and Provincial Governments. Raleigh's share of the money that had to be raised was raised
entirely within the village of North Buxton, through the efforts of the villagers.
THE MUSEUM'S PRIME CONCERN, is the preservation of material and artifacts of Raleigh, with special emphasis on the
history and accomplishments of the original settlers in the Elgin Settlement and their descendants. Among oilier things, it
houses the bed, dresser, diary and copies of'papers belonging to Rev. William King as well as many other articles and papers
of historical significance in this community.
SINCE 1972, RESEARCH has been carried out on the families of Buxton. Most of the people of the Elgin Settlement have
been identified and indexed and considerable other information is now available in the museum, in forms of records and
family trees. Although the research has been done mainly on Elgin Settlement people, it was inevitable that it would extend
into other areas as well. If you are looking for your "roots", we may have a piece of the puzzle.
THE BUXTON HISTORIC SITE &amp; MUSEUM now includes a well-stocked research library, a cultural room where the
works of several Black artists of local origins are on display, and where video presentations detailing the area can be viewed
by appointment.

lofl

2/6/02 2:54 PM

�Research Mat

crials

life

Horny

Map lO HllVInn

Research Materials
Some Huxton Names

hltp://\wvw.ciacccss.com/~jdnc\vby/rescarch.htm

buxtort national historic site &amp; museum
The Buxton (Elgin) Settlement - A Cultural Landscape

Reference Library
This list contains many but not all ofthe resources availablefor the visitor to the museum.
This list was compiled by a summer student n'orking at the museum in the summer of1996.
In addition to the materialsfound here are genealogical records ofmost Buxtonfamilies.

Search this site!

Use your browser's find or search function to see if we have the material you are looking for.
j Search

Tf+tysUf*.

cxm-wi
Heritage Tour

A
Abdull, Raoul, ed. The Magic of Black Poetry.
Illustrations by Dane Burr. New York: Dood, Mead and Company, 1972.
African Cultural Heritage. Michigan 4-H Youth Programs. Cooperative Extension Service.

Send Mail to
Buxton

African Culture Series: Native Musical Instruments.
Detroit: Children's Museum, Detroit Public Schools. Children's Book.

Website by
JDXEIVBY

Albert, Frances Jacob, ed. Sod House Memories: A Treasury of Soddy Stories. 1972.
Amherstburg Regular Missionary Baptist Association: Its Auxiliaries and Churches.
Pathfinders of Liberty and Truth. 1940. 2 copies.
American Visions: The Magazine of Afro-American Culture.
August 1986. June 1991.
Anderson, Frank W. The Frank Slide Story. 1968.
Anderson, O.P. Harper's Ferry.
Apostle: British Methodist Episcopal Church.
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January 1977, Vol. 1, No.2
April 1977, Vol. 1, No. 2.
May 1978, Vol. 2, No. 2.
November 1978, Vol. 2, No. 3.

Apostle: B.M.E. Church. "The International Year of the Child.
December 1979, Vol. 3, No. 2.
Apostle: B.M.E. Church. "The Birthplace of our Conference: Souvenir Edition." 29 September
1981.

B
Bailey, Pearl. Pearl's Kitchen: An Extraordinary Cookbook.
Markham: Simon and Schuster, 1974.
Barry, Wendy Lee. Raleigh Township Statute Labour 1838 -1847.
Genealogical Reference Data. 1985.
Bearden, Jim and Linda Jean Butler. Shadd: The Life and Times of Mary Shadd Cary.
Toronto: NC Press Ltd., 1977.
Benet, Stephen Vincent. John Brown's Body.

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^search Materials

Illustrated by Fritz Kredel and Warren Chappell. Toronto: Clarke, Irwin &amp; Co., Ltd., 1927.
Bennett, Lerone Jr. "A Living History: Voices of the Past Speak to the Present." In Ebony, February
1985.
Bennett, Lerone Jr. Before the Mayflower: The History of the Negro in America 1619- 1964.
Revised Edition.
Baltimore: Pelican Books, 1964.
Best, Carrie M. That Lonesome Road.
Autobiography. Nova Scotia: Clarion Publishing Co., 1977.
Black Historic Sites in Detroit.
Detroit Historical Department, January 1989. 2 copies.
Bigglestone, William E. They Stopped in Oberlin: Black Residents and Visitors of the Nineteenth
Century. Ohio: Oberlin, 1981.
The Black Experience: Part 2.
Black Heritage Discovery.
Blacks in Detroit: A Reprint of Articles from the Detroit Free Press.
Scott McGehee and Susan Watson, eds. December 1980.
Black Studies: A Resource Guide for Teachers.
Ontario: Ministry of Education. 2 copies.
"Traveling by the Book: If you were black and driving through Michigan in the 50s. some Detroit
hotels would take you in.
But for the open road, you packed a Green Book." Subject: The Negro Traveler's Green Book.
In The Detroit News: Michigan. 9 October 1988.
On Black History: Nova Scotia - A Pictorial. Halifax: Nova Scotia Human Rights Commission.
The North American Black Historical Museum Celebrates the 150th Anniversary of the Abolition of
Slavery Act and Ontario's Bicentennial: 1834 - 1984.
Blockson, Charles L. Escape From Slavery: The Underground Railroad."
In National Geographic. Vol. 166, No. 1, July 1984. Brandon, Robert. A History of Dresden.
Presented to Mark the Occasion of Dresden's Centennial Celebrations June 30 - July 5, 1954.
Printed by the Dresden Times.
Brandt, Nat. The Town that Started the Civil War.
Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1990.
Breon, Robin and Vera Cudjoe. The Story of Mary Ann Shadd.
Illustrated by Mary McLoughlin. Toronto: Carib-Can Publishers, 1988. Children's Book.
John Brown Forte. Vol. X, No.3. Summer 1988.
Burey, Owen. Canadian Canaan: A History of Black Baptists in Ontario.
Senior Seminar For Presentation to the Faculty and Senior Students. Hamilton: McMasler Divinity
College, 1981.
Burr, J. Earl. Down Our Road: Written for the Charing Cross Centennial 1973. Sketches by Paul
LeClair.
Byers, Paula K. African American Genealogical Sourcebook. New York: Gale Research Inc., 1995.

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c
Cain, Allred E. Negro Heritage Reader for Young People.
Yonkers: Educational Heritage, Inc., 1965. Children's Book.
Canadian Medical Association Journal. 4 June 1977. Vol. 116, No. 11.
Canadian Notes and Queries.
No. 17, July 1976.
No. 18, December 1976.
No. 23, June 1979. No.24, December 1979.
Carter, Velma and Levero (Lee) Carter. The Black Canadians: Their History and Contributions.
Edmonton: Rcidmore Books, 1989.
Case Studies and Community Action Programs under the Ontario Human Rights Code and the Age
Discrimination Act. 2 copies.
The Canadian Journal of Canadian Conservation Institute.
National Museums of Canada, 1976.
Chavers-Wright, Madrue. The Guarantee - P.W. Chavers: Banker, Entrepreneur Philanthropist in
Chicago's Black Belt of tire Twenties.
New York: Wright- Armstead Associates, 1985.
Choquette, Robert. Ontario: An Informal History of Its Land and Its People.
Ministry of Education. 2 copies.
Ministry of Citizenship and Culture. An Enduring Heritage: Black Contributions to Early Ontario.
Text prepared by Roger Riendeau. Toronto: Dundum Press Limited, 1984.
Ministry of Citizenship and Culture. Heritage: Giving Our Past a Future.
Ontario Heritage Policy Review. April 1987.
Canot, Theodore (captain) Adventures of an African Slaver.
1854. New York: Garden City Publishing Co., Inc.
Clemens, Samuel L. Huckleberry Finn.
New York: The Saalfield Publishing Company.
Coles, Robert. Dead End School. Illustrated by Norman Rockwell.
New York: Dell Publishing Co., Inc., 1968. Children's Book.
The Crisis: A Record of the Darker Races.
May 1966. Vol. 73, No. 5.
April - May 1971. Vol. 78, No. 3.
Ministry of Culture and Communications. Survivors. 1988. 2 copies.
Ministry of Culture and Communications. Legacy: Newsletter of the Archives of Ontario.
Vol. 1, No.3. Special Issue: Heritage Week. 20-25 February 1989.
Curtis, James C. and Lewis L. Gould, eds.
The Black Experience in America: Selected Essays. 1970.
D
Davis, Russell H. Black Americans in Cleveland From George Peake to Carl B. Stokes. 1972.

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Detroit's Black Heritage., .a partial guide to people and places significant in the history of Detroit
and its Black Community.
2nd ed. Detroit: Detroit Historical Museum Black Historic Sites Committee, 1975.
D'Oyley, Enid and Rella Braithvvaite, eds and comps. Women of Our Times.
Toronto: Canadian Negro Women's Association Inc., 1973.
D'Oyley, Vincent, ed. Black Presence in Multi-Ethnic Canada.
Vancouver: Centre for the Study of Cirriculum and Instruction, Faculty of Education.
D'Oyley, Vincent, ed. Black Students in Urban Canada.
Drew, Benjamin. A North-Side View of Slavery- The Refugee: or the Narratives of Fugitive Slaves
in Canada.
Boston: John P. Jewett and Company, 1856.
Dungy, Hilda. Planted by the Waters: A Genealogy of the Jones-Carter Family.
Wallaceburg: Standard Press, 1975. 2 copies
E
Elgin Settlement: First Settler Records.
Emancipation Festivities and Program. 1 -3 August 1981. Windsor.
Epstein, Sam and Beryl. George Washington Carver, Negro Scientist: A Discovery Book.
Illustrated by William Moyers. Illinois: Garrard Publishing Co., 1960.
Essence. Magazine. April 1993.

F
Fast, Howard. Freedom Road. New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce Publishers, 1944.
Chatham Welcomes Fergie Home. Subject: Fergie Jenkins.
Fitzhugh, Louise. Nobody's Family is Going to Change.
New York: Dell Publishing Co. Inc., 1974. Children's Book.
Fraser, Anne. The Blacks of Niagara Falls 1850 - 1989. B.A. Thesis.
St. Catharines: Brock University, 1989.
French, Gary E. Men of Colour: An Historical Account of the Black Settlement on Wilberforce
Street and in Oro Township, Simcoe County, Ontario 1819 - 1949.
Orillia: Dyment-Slubley Printers, 1978. 2 copies.
From Slaveiy to Freedom...an essay in progress.
Information Booklet. University of Windsor: Hiram Walker and Sons, Ltd., 1965. 2 copies.

G
Gaines, Ernest J. The Autobiography of Miss Jane Pittman.
8th ed. New York: Bantam Books, 1971.
The Geneological Helper: Dedicated to Helping People Find More Genealogy.
Utah: The Everton Publishers, 1979. 2 copies.
Goss, Linda and Marian E. Barnes, eds. Talk That Talk: An Anthology of African American

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careh Materials

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Storytelling.
Toronto: Simon and Schuster/Touchstone, 1989.
Graham, Shirley. Booker T. Washington : Educator of Hand, Head, and Heart.
13th ed. New York: Julian Messner, 1969.
Greene, Robert Ewell. The Leary-Evans, Ohio's Free People of Colour.
Foreward by Dorothy Inborden Miller. Washington, D.C.: Hickman Printing Inc., 1989.

H
Hamil, Fred Coyne. The Valley of the Lower Thames 1640 - 1850 .
Toronto: Univ. of Toronto Press, 1951.
Harding, Vincent. There Is a River: The Black Struggle for Freedom in America.
New York: I-Iarcourt Brace Jovanovich, Publishers, 1981.
Head, Wilson A. Ontario Human Rights Commission. The Black Presence in the Canadian
Mosiac:A Study of Perception and the Practice of Discrimination against Blacks in Metropolitan
Toronto.
Ontario Human Rights Commission, 1975.
Henle, Fritz, photographer. Virgin Islands. Text by Vivienne Tallal Winterry.
New York: Hastings House, 1949.
Henson, Josiah. The Life of Josiah Henson, Formerly a Slave. Boston: Arthur D. Phelps, 1949.
Hill, Daniel G. Human Rights in Canada: A Focus on Racism.
Government of Canada, 1977.
Hill, Lawrence. Women of Vision: The Story of the Canadian Negro Women's Association 1951 1976.
Toronto: Umbrella Press, 1996.
Howe, S.G. Refugees From Slavery in Canada West: Report to the Freedmen's Inquiry Commission.
Boston: Wright and Potter Printers, 1864.
Hughes, Langston and Milton Meltzer. A Pictorial History of the Negro in America.
New York: Crown Publishers, Inc., 1956.
Hughes, Langston et al. A Pictorial History of the Negro in America.
3rd ed. Introduction by C. Eric Lincoln. New York: Crown Publishers, 1969.
Human Relations: The Right to Live in Dignity. Vol. 9, No. 17.
Ontario: Ontario Human Rights Commission, 1969.

I
International Library of Negro Life and History.
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•
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•

"The History of the Negro in Medicine," by Herbert M. Morais.
" Negro Americans in the Civil War," by Charles Wesley and Patricia W. Romero.
"Anthology of the American Negro in the Theatre," by Lindsay Patterson.
"The Negro in Music and Art," by Lindsay Patterson.
"Historical Negro Biographies," by Wilhelmena S. Robinson.

International Review of African American Art. Samella Lewis, ed. Vol.6, No. 2. 2 copies

J

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Jackson, Dave and Nela. Escape From the Slave Traders.
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Language and Identity.
Toronto. Univ. of Toronto Press, 1994.
Jamieson, Anne Straith. William King: Friend and Champion of llie Slaves.
Toronto: F. A. Robinson, 1925. 3 copies.
Jefferson, Karen L. The Glenn Carrington Collection: A Guide to the books, manuscripts, music and
recordings. June 1977.
Jet. 8 July 1976. Bicentennial Collector's Issue.
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K
Katz, Bernard, ed. The Social Implications of Early Negro Music in the United States: With Over
150 Songs, Many of Them Willi Music.
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Katz, William Loren. Eyewitness: The Negro in American History.
Toronto: Pitman Publishing Corporation, 1968.
Keil, Doris Parkin. The Ploughboy and the Nightingale.
Copp Clark Publishing Company, 1958.
Killens, John Oliver. "A Traveler's Guide to Two Cities: Boston and New Orleans: A Black novelist
traces the deeds and lives of Black men and women along the trail of America's history."
Redbook. July 1969.
King, Reverend William. Autobiography of Rev. William King and Supplementary Papers.
King, Reverend William. William King Letters 1889.
Klima, Vladimir and Karel F. Ruzicka and Petr Zima. Black Africa: Language and Literature.
Boston: D. Reidel Publishing Co., 1976.
Kroll, Virginia. Wood-Hoopoe Willie. Illustrated by Katherine Roundtree.
Watertown: Charlesbridge Publishing, 1992. Children's book.

L
Ladd, Glen. Gleanings From the Glen. 1974.
Lane, Artis. Folder of Articles about the Artist and Reproductions of Her Work.
Lanker, Brian. I Dream a World: Portraits of Black Women Who Changed America. Barbara
Summers, ed. Foreward by Maya Angelou.
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v

Lauriston, Victor. Romantic Kent: The Story of a County 1626 - 1952.
BIOGRAPHICAL INDEX: Barnwell, Mabel and Bernice Peacock, comps.
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Litwack, Leon F. North of Slavery: The Negro in the Free States 1790-1860.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1961.

M
MacEwan, Grant. Filly Mighty Men. Saskatoon: Western Producer, 1970.
Macleans. "The Storied Land: Discovering the Heroes, Villians, Myths and Legends that Shape the
Nation." 6 July 1992.
McCall, Barbara. Marvelous Michael Jackson: An Unauthorized Biography.
Connecticut: Weekly Reader Books, 1984.
McFarquhar, Colin. Black Abolitionists in Canada West to I960.
M.A. Thesis. University of Windsor, 1989.
McRae, Norman and Jerry Blocker. The American Negro: A History in Biography &amp; Pictures.
Illustrated by Carl Owens.
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Mallory, Mary C., comp. John Lutman, ed. A Heritage: A Congregational History Bleheim United
Church.
Forest: J.B. Pole Printing, 1977.
Mathews, Basil. The Clash of Colour: A Study in the Problem of Race.
New York: George H. Doran Company, 1924.
Matt, Marion. The Dipper Stick: A History of Drainage in Kent County, Ontario.
An Exhibition and Book Organized and Produced by the Thames Arts Centre, Chatham, ON. 1979.
Mitton, J.A. and J.A. Griffin. Index to Kent County, Ontario Marriage Registers 1857 - 1869.
Kent County Branch of the Ontario Genealogical Society, 1985.
Monk, Lorraine. Image 6: A Review of Contemporary Photography in Canada.
Toronto: The National Film Board of Canada, 1970.
Morris, Frank L. The Progress of a Race and Select Poems.
Detroit: Frank L. Morris, 1926. 2 copies.
Mottram, R.FI. Buxton the Liberator. New York: Hutchison &amp; Co. Ltd.

N
National Urban League, Inc. Black Perspectives on the Bicentennial: Economic Progress of Blacks
After 200 Years. 1976.
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v

;

Nurses' Alumnae Association. History of Public General Hospital School of Nursing 1890 -1983.
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o
Oberlin Community History. Pennsylvania: Josten's Publications, 1981.
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27 September 1986.

P
Parker, William. The Freedman's Story.
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Genealogists.
Detroit: Gale Research Company, 1981.
Patterson, Lillie Martin Luther King Jr.: Man of Peace.
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People. ''ROOTS. Back to Africa with an embattled Alex Haley."
9 May 1977.
Perry, Charlotte Bronte. Laura Rosenthal, ed. One Man's Journey: Roy Prince Edward Perry 1905
-1972.
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International Prince Hall Day: Freedom Fighters. 24 September 1972.

Q
R
Reader's Digest. May 1974. Includes "My Search for Roots: A Black American's Story," by Alex
Haley.
Reader's Digest. June 1974. Book section includes: Roots: Part II by Alex Haley.
Reader's Digest. July 1986. Includes "Murder Clues From the Black Museum," by Bill Waddell.
Robbins, Vivian. Musical Buxton. 3 copies.
Robeson, Eslanda Goode. African Journey. New York: The John Day Company, 1945.
Robinson, Gwendolyn and John W. Robinson. Seek the Truth: A Story of Chatham's Black
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                    <text>Page 1 of 5

x Times Lines

*. f‘Times Lines

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Wefcame
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j

Canadian History (17th to 19th century)
New France/Upper Canada/Canada West/Province Of Ontario
...these times were researched and prepared through the
generousity of the Upper Canada Law Society

Scavmgefjfmn j
'(Pioneers

1604 Mcittieu da Costa is the first known person of African descent to arrive in
Canada. Me sailed with the Champlain-Poulrincourt expedition. His linguistic expertise
made him a valuable member to the crew. Me spoke numerous languages including
Micmac and French and was an interpreter for Champlain. Da Costa was a well educated
individual and was a charier member of Canada’s oldest club, The Order of Canada.
1628
Olivier Le Jenne (a native of Madagascar) is the first known black person to
have lived in Canada. Me came to Canada at the age of seven during the invasion of New
France. He was a slave of British Commander, David Kirk. After a time he was sold to a
Quebec resident who sent him to a school that had been established by a Jesuit priest
named Father Le Jeune. He was later baptized as Olivier Le Jeune. Me died on May 10"\
1654 with status of a freeperson.
Louis XIV sanctioned the longstanding practice of slavery- in New France. Blacks
1709
were among the first pioneers in New France as many of them had been brought as slaves
to fur trading posts and settlements. These black pioneers helped to clear the land and
establish these early posts and settlements.
Treaty of Utrecht is signed. This allows the French territory of Acadia to be
1713
transferred to the British. Settlers, bringing their slaves w ith them from New England,
moved into the area (which was renamed Nova Scotia). Many of these slaves had brought
valuable skills w ith them, learned in Africa, these skilled tradesmen were then sold to
American colonics when their work was no longer needed in Canada. The city of Halifax
was built by the labor of slaves.
1734 A/arie-Joseph Angelique was the slave of a wealthy Montreal merchant. On
April 11, in an drastic act of resistance, she set fire to her masters’ house so that it would
divert attention from her escape. The fire destroyed 46 buildings including the Hotel
Dieu. Once caught she was publicly tortured and hanged.
Britain conquered New France. The slave system, previously established in
1760
Quebec, were continued under British Rule. Although census records had not yet been
established, it is estimated that approximately 500 or 600 slaves lived in Canada during
the 18^ century. These slaves were Blacks and Pawnee Indians.
1775 American Revolution: The British government encouraged colonists to join with
them to fight. For this involvement they promised free land grants and military postings.
Slaves were offered their freedom along with free land and postings. Many joined in the
fight.
After the war, United Umpire Loyalists (URL), as they were now known moved
1783
from America to the Bahamas, Bermuda, the West Indies, East and West Florida and
Canada. Over 30,000 people moved to Nova Scotia and Quebec. The Loyalists were

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�, Times Lines

Page 2 of 5

comprised of a diverse ethnic makeup (European, British, Aboriginal and Africans). Over
3,000 Black Loyalists (including the famous Black Pioneers, which was an all black
militia unit) received land grants in Canada.
British Act of 1790 allowed new settlers to bring slaves into what was to be
1790
known as Upper Canada for the value of "forty shillings" a person.
1791
1793

Separation of upper and lower provinces into Upper and Lower Canada.
The first Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada. Lieutenant-Colonel John
Graves Simcoe and his wife Elizabeth were
abolitionists who lobbied for the dismantling of slavery
i in Upper Canada. Ironically, 6 of the 16 legislators in
Hf the first Parliament of Upper Canada were slave
mH owners.
John Graves Simcoe, First Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada Founder of
Toronto (Portrait by Jean Laurent Mosnier)

ChiefJustice Osgoode drafted a bill which was intended to contain slavery in
1793
Upper Canada. The first Parliament of the Province of Upper Canada passed the
legislation the Statute of 1793. This statute prohibited the importation of slaves into
Upper Canada. It is considered the first specific human rights law in the British Empire to
address the institute of slavery. Although the law did not abolish slavery in Upper Canada
it did allow the children of the then slaves to be freed at the age of twenty-five.
1803
William Osgoode while Chief Justice of Lower Canada (named in 1793)
spearheaded the historic decision that slavery was inconsistent with British Law.
Although the judgement did not legally abolish slavery, over 300 slaves were set free in&lt;
Lower Canada. This judgement let slave owners that Canada was inhospitable towards
slavery and a clear anti-slavery foundation began to be established.
During the War of 1812 man Blacks fought alongside of the British, in Black
1812
militia units. When the war ended, Sir Peregrine Maitland, the Lieutenant-Governor of
Upper Canada, offer land grants to the Black veterans and refugees. This settlement was
formed on what is Oro township today.
Upper Canada’s Attorney General, John Beverly Robinson, declared that Blacks who
resided on Canadian soil would be free. He also promised that Canadian courts would
uphold that freedom. Soon American Blacks began to hear that they loo could bo lrcc in
Canada and would be protected under British Law. Canada began to be viewed as a safe
haven.
182(1
It is believed that the Underground Railroad (UGR) movement began by a group
of Pennsylvania Quakers in 1804. During the 1800s many people, who opposed slavery,
had formed a complicated system of networks and escape routes. These routes led to
freedom in Canada. By 1820, the escape routes of this system were firmly established
throughout the United Stales. During the 1830’s and 40’s many UGR terminals and
stations had been set up in Canada. It is estimated that approximately 30,000 Blacks came
across the border in the early and mid 1800's. Many of these Blacks (Fugitive Slaves and
Free Blacks) did not use this underground system, escaping by themselves to freedom in
Canada.
1830

Josiah Henson, his w ife and four children escaped to Canada on October 2S1*1.
v.. 1&amp;30 through the UGR. Josiah and his family remained
_
Canada, where today there is a historical site. Many
newcomers found comfort at the Dawn settlement

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Times Lines

established in part by Josiah. In 1852 Unde Tom's Cabin written bv Harriet Beecher
Stowe, was published. It is believed that the life of Josiah was the template for the book.
This famous book inspired numerous individuals to join the abolitionist cause.
Josiah Henson &amp; his wife (Photo Credit:: Metropolitan Toronto Library Board)

1833
The British Imperial Act of 1833 was passed ending slavery throughout the
British Umpire. This act caused the largest influx of Blacks arriving into Canada West
during 1830 and 1860. It is estimated that approximately 30 to 50 ,000 moved to Canada
during this period.
Mackenzie Rebellion: The government of Upper Canada enrolled Blacks in all
1837
Black Militia units., i.e. Runcheys Rangers. However, enterprising Blacks forged their
own militia unit before enlisted by the government. They formed groups like Captain
Caldwell’s Coloured Volunteers.
Anderson R. Abbott, a surgeon, soldier, poet and educator was bom in Toronto. He
became the first Canadian Black doctor. Black men were awarded the right to vote.
Women could not.
There w ere a number of boats on the Great Lakes that assisted the abolitionist
1842
cause. Often they gav e free passage to fugitive slaves. William Wells Brown, a former
slave and owner of a number of boats, brought 69 slaves into Canada from May to
December.
A fugitive slave Nelson Hackett is forced to return to his master and the United States.
This ignited the abolitionist cause further and was a highly publicized event.
1849

Harriet Tubman escaped from slavery around this lime period. She was to
become one of the most famous Underground
railroad operators. It is believed that she
returned into the United States over 19 times
to help over 300 slaves escape. Her name and
activities were so well known that a $40,000
bounty was established by angry slave
owners. Tubman resided in St. Catharines,
Ontario for over eight years. The town was
an important location for the UGR as citizens
were empathclic to the abolitionist cause. She
was considered a military and logistics
genius. At the start of the American Civil
War, she was recruited to act as a spy for the
Union Army.
Harriet Tubman &amp; her charges (Photo
Credit:Metropolitan Toronto Library Board)

1850
U.S. Congress passed the Fugitive Slave Act which spearheaded an exodus of
Free Blacks and fugitive slaves into Canada. The Act threatened the safety of free Blacks
who lived in the Northern Free Slates. It enabled them to be captured and sold back into
slavery.
The Common Schools Act is passed in Canada West. This piece of legislation sanctioned

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Times Lines

ihe racial separation of schools lor Blacks and Whites. Black parents protested by
establishing their own religious based schools for their children. The practice of racial
segregation continued into the early 1900's in many areas throughout Canada West.
The Toronto Anti-Slaveit Society was formed. The first meeting was held at the
1851
St. Lawrence Hall in Toronto. Ironically this location was used previously for slave
auctions. George Brown of the Globe was one of the founding members Of the society.
Extremely influencial, he was an abolitionist who helped to make Toronto a hotbed for
the anti-slavery cause. Toronto, the only area not to segregate its schools by race,
influenced the surrounding areas with its anti-racist sentiments.
1852
•;i-

rY.v".

liemy Bibb published and distributed The Anti-Slave iv Harp ,a collection of
popular anti-slavery songs in Windsor, Ontario. Henry and Maty
Bibb established the Voice ofthe Fugitive Canada's first anti-slavery
^•mewspaper.
V*--m '
. ..
■.

Henry Bibb (Photo Credit: Ontario Department of Travel &amp;

publicity)

,r

1853 The Provincial Freeman, an anti-slavery newspaper was started in Windsor,
Ontario. Maty Ann Shadd is believed to be the first Black female newspaper editor in
North America.
1855

The first black lawyer was called to the bar in 1855. Through the research of
flgjjp|§l&amp;fhe Law Society of Upper Canada in 1992 it was discovered that
m&amp;Robert Sutherland was actually the first black lawyer and not Delos
1/toge.s/ Davis as was previously believed.

■rsm

[,\ lary Ann Shadd Cary (Photo Credit: Daniel G. Hill)
tjj

Dr. Alexander Milton Ross, a physician, ornithologist and abolitionist helped
hundreds of slaves escape to freedom. Under the guise of searching
for rare birds he traveled extensively throughout the American
south where he aided slaves escape to Canadian via the
Underground Railroad.
;
%

■ • ’ • Hr. Alexander Milton Ross (Photo Credit:Metropolitan Toronto
Ubrary Board)

1856 Major Martin Delany, M.D. was die first black to graduate in medicine from
Harvard University. He was successful in bringing the 1856 cholera epidemic under
control in the city of Chatham, Ontario.
1858

American abolitionist John Brown met his contemporaries in Chatham, Ontario
to plan his attack on Harper's Ferry in Virginia. In may of 1859 the
attack failed and John Brown was tried for high treason. He was
found guilty and hanged. He became a martyr for the abolitionist
cause and was revered by abolitionists on both sides of the border.

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Times Lines

John Brown (Photo Credit: Metropolitan Toronto Library Board)

1859

Abraham Shadd was the first Black Canadian to be elected to public office.

I860
It is estimated that there were between 30,000 to 50,000 people of African
descent in Canada.
1861 Anderson Ruffin Abbott became the first Canadian bom Black doctor. During the
American Civil War he was one of eight black surgeons to work with the union army.
1862
At the outbreak of the American Civil War many of the Americans who had
earlier escaped to Canada returned to the United Stales to help fight in the war. This
caused a major reduction of Blacks residing in the Province.
1886
Delois Davis became the second black lawyer in Upper Canada. He was
admitted to the Law Society of Upper Canada on May 19. 1885 and was called to be bar
on November 15,i\ 1886. Although he completed his law studies at the University of
Toronto, he could not find a law firm to article with. He was appointed to Kings Counsel
in 1910. His son Frederick Davis became Ontario’s second black lawyer in 1900. Father
and son set up the practice Davis and Davis in Amherslburg, Ontario.
At the age of 51, William Hubbard entered civic politics in Toronto. He was the
1893
first alderman to be elected in his Ward (4). He was reelected even' year for the next 13
years. Between 1904 and 1907 he was on the Board of Control as Vice Chairman and
acted as Deputy Mayor.

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      <tag tagId="45176">
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      <tag tagId="31911">
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      <tag tagId="45141">
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      <tag tagId="45192">
        <name>Mary Ann Shadd</name>
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      <tag tagId="45189">
        <name>Mary Bibb</name>
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      <tag tagId="45127">
        <name>Mattieu da Costa</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="45173">
        <name>Metropolitan Toronto Library Board</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="45129">
        <name>Micmac Language</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="43741">
        <name>Montreal Quebec Canada</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="45182">
        <name>Nelson Hackett</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="5399">
        <name>New England</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="3446">
        <name>New France</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="29318">
        <name>Nova Scotia Canada</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="45133">
        <name>Oliver Le Jeune</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="12491">
        <name>Ontario Canada</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="45196">
        <name>Ontario Department of Travel and Publicity</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="45198">
        <name>Ornithologist</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="45168">
        <name>Oro Township Canada</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="45146">
        <name>Pawnee Native American Slaves</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="45145">
        <name>Pawnee Native American Tribe</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="2121">
        <name>Pennsylvania</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="45171">
        <name>Pennsylvania Quakers</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="45165">
        <name>Peregrine Maitland</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="21144">
        <name>Physician</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="45124">
        <name>Printout</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="45191">
        <name>Provincial Freeman</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="40684">
        <name>Quebec Canada</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="45194">
        <name>Robert Sutherland</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="45177">
        <name>Runcheys Rangers</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="45131">
        <name>Samuel de Champlain</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="43651">
        <name>St. Catharines Ontario Canada</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="45187">
        <name>St. Lawrence Hall</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="45188">
        <name>The Anti-Slavery Harp</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="45132">
        <name>The Order of Canada</name>
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      <tag tagId="45122">
        <name>Timelines</name>
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      <tag tagId="45209">
        <name>Toronto Alderman</name>
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      <tag tagId="45186">
        <name>Toronto Anti-Slavery Society</name>
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      <tag tagId="45211">
        <name>Toronto Board of Control</name>
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        <name>Toronto Ontario Canada</name>
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Appendix
SVarlier’ °r SUbSCqUent data: Migration reports. These data also
suffer from imprecise definitions, for black immigration to Canada was remrlo
°ften m te™S °f arrivaIs £rom 1116 United States and via ocean
port^ These two categories are not genuinely helpful, for numerous AmeriMnn^°eS "ndoubtedly entered through the ports of Halifax, Saint John,
Montreal, and Vancouver, just as West Indians and Africans may have
rossed into Canada from the American border rather than entering by sea.
Other data do refer to West Indians as distinct from Negroes, the latter
word apparently being reserved for Americans; but in 1926 the ethnic
totals were dropped, as was the West Indian designation, temporarily. And
immigration reports could be contradictory: although the 1922 report
showed that no Negroes had entered Canada the previous year, this
was
corrected in the report of 1923.27
A comparison of census returns, birthrate ^
estimates, and immigration
reports for the period 1911 to 1951 shows that one body of data was in
? C°nfisiderable numbcr of Negroes “passed over” each decade
m o white classifications—not primarily through intermarriage, since the
intermarriage rate was low, but presumably through electing to consider
Aemselves white. This conclusion would also help to account for the

r" flT8h0Ut the Peri0d fr0m 0ntario

other provinces

( ept Nova Scotia), and for the movement out of Nova Scotia into
Negro communities^
*
^ * °ntari° and Nova Scotia *e
were
„ more reac% recognizable, and if one had made
the decision to “
step. By 1961
help to explain the sharp increase in the reported Negro population, for
“sen ISS 7
h3Ve Ch0Se“ t0 “paSS” “ay now h™5 oh°sen to
tinn i^ i ba faSe-In the previous decades a modestly advancing immigracrease
7 ^ ^ W£St Indies’ aIso contributed measurably to the inIf neither the estimates of interested observers
nor the reports of disinterested statisticians are to be accepted for this study one may yet conelude that the Negro, although never numerous, has on the whole been
more numerous than Canadians have thought. His influence in Canadian
Even
°f ?g dUration and’ at times&gt; of marked importance.
Even more, one may demonstrate that the Canadian experience has been
fte SfeCCaCnad0r
wTfl“t the faction between the black,
, . fCad,’. and their shared environment has revealed much of
general interest and importance about Canadian ethnic and racial
attitudes.
(oLTm9U27yeZVf te Dertment °f ******** ond Colonization . . .

l sstrssasr’ -d '*

A Note on Sources

This book arises largely from manuscript materials. That is true of____
most
books by most historians, and usually the fact would not be worthy of
special comment. Negro, or Black, history manuscript materials present
unusual problems, however. Manuscripts left by Negroes are fewer in
number, more difficult to find, and less self-consciously revealing, than
manuscripts arising from more traditional sources. The reasons for this
comparative dearth are obvious enough, even though until recently few
historians seem to have remarked upon the ways in which an anti- or at
least non-Negro bias might be reflected in many aspects of North Ameri­
can social history. In historiography, as in chess, the white is always the
first to move—or has been until recently.
As slaves, blacks often were illiterate; even when free, they were the
least likely of all newcomers to North America to leave behind a written
record. They had left no one in Africa to whom they would write of their
new experiences; they were not organized in the New World in ways con­
ducive to communication on paper; and they often lacked the skills re­
quired to prepare the historian’s cherished manuscript, to be produced in
time in some neatly catalogued archive. They also were highly itinerant,
and frequently not in control of their own movements, so that the little
they had by way of a historical record was swept aside, left behind, or
burned to keep a body warm during the winter. Furthermore, they were
not organized institutionally, so that until the mid-nineteenth century there
were very few religious groups, schools, mutual aid societies, fraternal or­
ganizations, or other self-venerating institutions to preserve a collective
record. Accordingly, Negro records are few, scattered, and require much
time and effort to find, assess, and relate.
The assessment of those records that have survived poses another prob­
lem. One need not recite here the many arguments about the special nature
of Black history, for a flood of monographs has appeared in recent years
to attest to the angry shoals upon which anyone who casts himself adrift
from traditional historiography may run aground. Obviously, much of the
documentation relating to the Negro in North America comes from sources
which are “white”; thus we often must view black activities and responses
—even Negro thought—through sources which, while contemporary, are
at one remove from our subject matter. To note that one must also view
497

�ancient Greek thought through modern eyes is not to vitiate the conclusion
that by its nature much white-authored history will be biased history. It
does not follow, however, that all white observers have got their sums
wrong. In any event, the historian works with what he has, and while
black observers are to be preferred in many instances, this is not invariably
so; and even were it so, surely it is not beyond the empathy of man to
compensate at least somewhat for the bias inherent in any observation
that moves across ethnic, cultural, or religious chasms. Two superb books
—David Brion Davis’s The Problem of Slavery in Western Culture (Ithaca,
N.Y., 1966), and Winthrop Jordan’s White Over Black (Chapel Hill,
N.C., 1969)—have been criticized by some scholars on the ground that
they are less about what the Negro did than about what the Negro had
visited upon him. If this is so, it does not challenge the validity of telling
the latter story, and I cannot hope, in this more modest effort, to escape
such criticisms.
In any event, this book says something about both subjects. I have
sought out black sources carefully, and feel that I have demonstrated that
vast quantities of material do exist, if not always in the customary places.
Such sources are not used in preference to white sources, as a substitute
or supplement to them, nor in token integration, but as parallel sources
of equal and different validity.
As drafts of this work were revised, the documentation was substantially
reduced. Anyone interested in additional references to a specific point in
the text may consult the author’s original notes or one of the earlier drafts
of the manuscript, now in the Schomburg Collection of the New York
Public Library. The documentation is relatively full as presented here,
however, and the following essay will deal with contemporary or original
source materials only. The footnotes will lead the reader to the more im­
portant of the secondary works, as well as printed documents, which are
not discussed here.
Most of the books, pamphlets, and articles cited in the notes were con­
sulted at the British Museum, the Library of Congress, the Public Archives
of Canada, or one of the Canadian provincial archives. All major collec­
tions of Negro Americana (as the term once had it) known to me were
consulted. These include the five leading collections: the Schomburg, the
James Weldon Johnson in the Yale University Library, and the holdings
of Fisk, Hampton, and Howard universities. Lesser collections in the Bos­
ton Athenaeum, the Brookline (Mass.), Chicago, and Providence public
libraries, the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, the Confederate Me­
morial Library in Richmond, Tuskegee Institute, Lincoln University, and
the universities of Atlanta, California, and Vermont, were examined, as
were special collections of antislavery pamphlets at Cornell University and

!

Oberlin College. I also consulted over a hundred theses and dissertations.
Those drawn upon are cited in full in the footnotes. For a basic list, one
may consult Earle H. West, comp., A Bibliography of Doctoral Research
on the Negro, 1933-1966 ([Ann Arbor, Mich.], 1969).
The only partial bibliography on The Negro in Canada appeared as this
work neared completion. Subtitled A Select List of Primary and Secondary
Sources for the Study of Negro Community in Canada from the Earliest
Times to the Present Days, and prepared by Sushil Kumar Jain, it is avail­
able from the University of Saskatchewan library (Regina, 1967). The
list is highly selective and uncritical. A Bibliography of Antislavery in
America, prepared by Dwight Lowell Dumond (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1961),
is the most important guide to antislavery literature and other printed
sources. It does not entirely replace two earlier, and excellent finding aids:
W. E. Burghardt DuBois, A Select Bibliography of the American Negro
(Atlanta, Ga., 1905), the only one of several such bibliographies con­
sistently to include Canadian citations; and the references in Mary S. Locke,
Anti-Slavery in America, from the Introduction of African Slaves to the
Prohibition of the Slave Trade (1619-1808) (Boston, 1901). These and
other bibliographies include a number of highly general histories of slavery
which make passing reference to Canada—histories not cited in the pres­
ent volume. (A representative example is Frank Hoyt Wood, Vrsprung
und Entwicklung der Sklaverei [Leipzig, Germ., 1900], which discusses
Canada on pages 7 to 16.) Anyone wishing to compile a definitive bibli­
ography on Canadian Negroes must therefore consult the standard finding
aids as well as the raw notes to the present study, for not all relevant
secondary titles are incorporated in the printed footnotes of this book.
Official Papers
Official papers tend to survive, private papers tend not to. Most official
papers, at least until recently, will tell far more of the Negro as a person
acted upon rather than as actor. For these reasons, the papers of official
bodies—and especially of governments—were of relatively less use in this
study than in most books which attempt to examine some facet of the
Canadian-American relationship. Nonetheless, the official,, papers were
indispensable, especially for a record of the Black Pioneers, the migration
to Sierra Leone, the Maroons, and the Refugees.
The Public Archives of Canada, a uniquely well-run and organized
depository, contains many basic collections of importance. Among these
are the Canadian “G” series, consisting of dispatches and ancillary records
relating to the office of the governor-general. Of this record group’s
twenty-three numbered subseries, the most valuable were Gl, Despatches
from the Colonial Office, G12, Letter Books of Despatches to the Colonial

�500

A Note on Sources

Office, and G20, Civil Secretary’s Correspondence. The “C” series, British
Military Records, provided much information, especially on the War of
1812 and the rebellion of 1837. Particularly fruitful were Cl, C35, C801,
and Cl 049. The Minutes of the Executive Council, Upper Canada Land
Petitions, State Papers of Upper Canada, transcripts of Letters Patent,
transcripts of Treasury letters to the Naval and Military Departments for
1815-21, the raw censuses of Canada, the internal correspondence for
Quebec, and several miscellaneous volumes of petitions, also added pieces
to the mosaic. The Public Archives Record Centre, a storage depot for
the archives, contained the important General Headquarters Papers re­
lating to World War I.
The Public Archives of Nova Scotia, in Halifax, provide equally im­
portant data. Beginning with the voluminous Akins Collection (to which
belong most PANS volumes bearing a number in the footnotes), succes­
sive archivists have drawn together an exceptional range of material.
Among the official papers are volumes of unpassed bills, the letter books
of the surveyor-general for 1784 to 1824, letters of the lieutenant governor
to the Colonial Office, accounts on the final settlement of the Jamaican
Maroons in Nova Scotia, a variety of petitions, deeds, and bills of sale, a
loose collection of land papers, a bound series of Crown Land Papers,
raw census returns, Council Minutes, the Minute Books of Proceedings
of the Port Roseway Associates, official documents on Old Township and
Loyalist settlements, French documents relating to Acadia, and a number
of miscellaneous volumes (on occasion with incorrect binder’s titles, as
when a volume labeled 1815-18 is found to contain a letter for 1836).
The line between official and unofficial papers is a thin one, of course,
and often impossible to draw. Several of the collections used in the New
Brunswick Museum in Saint John were of this kind. They include the or­
der books of the York County Militia, the records of the Provincial Chas­
seurs, extracts from King’s County wills, miscellaneous records of the
York County registry office, the record book of the Pennfield settlement,
and a variety of marriage and death certificates. A wide range of papers
pertaining to Crown lands in Ontario, together with the papers of the Edu­
cation Department (often referred to as the Ryerson Papers) of Canada
West, are among the most valuable sources in the Ontario Provincial
Archives in Toronto. Deeds, petitions, location tickets, and the papers of
the Toronto City Council for the 1840s (supplemented by minutes of town
meetings held by the Toronto Public Library), also proved useful. The
History Branch of Ontario’s Department of Lands and Forests holds a
substantial number of survey records that were relevant. In Windsor, the
registry office provided lists of property holders, plans for lots, and lists of
burials which helped plot the patterns of black settlement in Essex County.
To the West, the Archives of Saskatchewan and those of British Co-

A Note on Sources

507

lumbia proved especially useful. At the former’s Saskatoon branch, a wide
range of homestead records have been microfilmed, while the Regina
branch hdds films of the provincial Department of Education’s district
files. The British Columbia archives, in Victoria, also hold many official
land records, as well as the correspondence of the Commissioner of Lands
and Works. The Land Titles Office, in Edmonton, Alberta, and the pro­
vincial Department of Lands and Forests, also in Edmonton, provided
maps, tax records, and certificates of title.
official records were of great value, since the majority of
XT American
.
Canada arrived via the United States. The National Archives
in Washington holds such diverse collections as the papers of the Con­
tinental Congress, the George Washington papers, the Interior Depart­
ment’s records on the slave trade and Negro colonization, the Harper’s
Ferry Select Committee files, the records of the Labor and Transportation
Committee for Congested Production Areas (1943-45), the State De­
partment’s Decimal Files for the first four decades of the present century,
and dispatches from twenty-one American consulates in Canada, as well as
from American consuls in Nassau, Bahamas; Kingston, Jamaica; and Aux
Cayes, Haiti.
The most important repositories of official and public papers proved to
be in Britain, however. The Public Record Office is an overburdened
ever-ncher storehouse for the colonial, imperial, or diplomatic historian’
and many of its volumes were central to this study. These include eighteen
CO series: 2, 23, 42, 44, 45, 60, 188, 217, 218, 219, 220, 267, 270,
296, 305, 398, 410, and 537; together with FO series 5, 35, 115, and
414. Each of these series may run to hundreds of volumes, as in C042
which consists of over 600 volumes, 131 of which proved to contain relevant
material. H045, confidential extradition prints, the Confidential Minute
Papers on The Gambia, Admiralty series 1, WO series 1 and 61 (the
latter the Jeffery Amherst Papers), the Chatham Papers, and the Head­
quarters Papers of the British Army in America also were of use. The
Public Archives of Canada holds microfilms of the CO series, and PANS
holds copies of C0188 and 217-20, although for maximum effectiveness
one must still consult the originals. To these official documents should be
added Additional Manuscripts 15,485 in the British Museum, on exports
and imports of North America, 1768-69.
Private Papers
In the end, however, private papers proved to be of the greatest utility.
On subjects of race personal statements are likely to be franker, more
frequent, and ultimately more unconsciously revealing than the cautious
records of governments can be. If one includes among private papers those

�502

A Note on Sources

of unofficial corporate bodies, such as the Society for the Propagation of
the. Gospel, of the many antislavery societies in Britain, Canada, and the
United States, and of self-help societies, one inevitably will find a more
open, accurate, and fuller expression of opinion and reflection of events
than any official records might provide. Unfortunately, the number of col­
lections consulted makes a full critical discussion here impractical.
In the United States, all paths lead to the Library of Congress. There
I drew upon single volumes of papers relating to Sir Guy Carleton and
Sir William Johnson; two boxes and sixteen volumes of materials (the
Edward Vernon and Charles Wager collection) on the slave trade prior
to 1773; Arthur Hamer’s manuscript bibliography on the trade, compiled
at Magdalen College in 1799; collections of papers relating to James Gillispie Birney, John Brown, Edward Everett, Augustus John Foster, Hugh
Gaine, Joshua Giddings, Marcus Gunn, Mrs. Basil Hall, Julia Ward
Howe, Samuel Gridley Howe, John Mitchell, Wendell Phillips, F. W.
Pickens and M. L. Bondam, James Redpath, Franklin B. Sanborn, Wil­
liam H. Seward, John Sherman, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, B. F. Stevens,
Mary Church Terrell, Booker T. Washington, Theodore Dwight Weld’
Walter White, Elizur Wright, Frances Wright, the Western Anti-Slavery
Society for 1845-57, and the Edith Rossiter Bevan Autograph Col­
lection. Most valuable of all was the Carter G. Woodson Collection of
Negro Papers, the minutes of the American Anti-Slavery Society, and
papers of Benjamin, Lewis, and Arthur Tappan. (Several of the letters
from Thomas Clarkson and John Scoble to the Tappans have been re­
printed in Anne Heloise Abel and Frank J. Klingberg, eds., “The Tappan
Papers,” JNH, 7 [1927], 128-329, 389-554 and simultaneously in their
A Side Light on Anglo-American Relations, 1839-1858 [Washington].)
Boston is the chief center for research on abolitionism. In the Massa­
chusetts Historical Society one may consult the papers of John A. Andrew,
John Brown, George Ellis, Edward Everett, Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Amos A. Lawrence, Edmund Quincy, and Amasa Walker-—all drawn
upon chiefly for unravelling the story of Josiah Henson—as well as the
Francis Parkman Papers. The Boston Public Library holds the papers of
William Lloyd Garrison, the original manuscript of Josiah Henson’s nar­
rative as written by Samual A. Eliot, and Lydia Maria Child, Samuel May,
Jr., Amos A. Phelps, and Maria Weston Papers. Across the river in Cam­
bridge, at Harvard’s Houghton Library, one may contest wills against the
awkwardly organized Charles Sumner Papers, which include correspon­
dence with Clarkson, Eliot, Ellis, Scoble, and Walker, as well as George
Thompson and Hiram Wilson. The Ralph Waldo Emerson and William
H. Siebcrt Collections, the latter consisting of forty-five volumes of clip­
pings and notes (three on Canada), and the Houghton theatre collection,

A Note on Sources

503
„W;* Srarv6 On^T P!?ybilIS’ add t0 1116 att^tions of this most ele-

ton.

. Garrison II collections in the Smith College Library in Northamp-

some Thomas: r,n°JeSS riCh' The NeW-York H^al Society provided
some Thomas Clarkson papers and an excellent copy of John Clarkson’s
John’Taylor' Thomas
Sharp’ Gerri‘ Smith! and
n Taylor, Thomas Nyes journal, a single Charles Stuart letter in the
ranaHS!nP !i °f ^eVerend Franc&gt;s Hawks. a miscellaneous collection on
Canada and settlement, correspondence on the slave trade and da
(olhSeFreCd0rdSjc0nthe, S°Ciety f°r Pr°moting Manumission of Slaves’
i?hai w d
oD0UgaSS papers were consulted in the Douglass Me

jssi-sirs.rrr ris s°f™
f

Samuel Ringgold Ward). At Columbia Unive^y one S the oa^s
eorge Plimpton, of Sydney Howard Gay (in fifty badly sorted boxes)
e papers of the Toronto Emigration Office, the John Bartlet BreW ’
antes T. Shotwell and William J. Wilgus coileSo^alfwfth m«
14o tnianCe~a!1i osheu L' S' Alexander Gumby Collection of Negroiana
1910 untTl950 so
“ °ffPpingS on Mack activities collected from
n i
at50, S° orSamzed that one may readily find materials cm
Douglass Marcus Garvey, Jackie Robinson, and riteTsSSfThe
H^ York Geographical Society library has manuscript maps which denote
black settlements m the Maritime Provinces, and playbills and program s
for Tom Shows are in the New York Library for the Perfor2g 1“
sity Ltory whe0reeam0VeS
m°St
t0 the 5y»«w Univera slDgular Private collection was mined. The Gerrit
Brown Jr rIafPherS T"1 volumin°aa correspondence to Smith from John
Brown, Jr Anthony Burns, Thomas Clarkson, James C. Fuller Thomas
Henning, Benjamin Lundy, Samuel J. May, Jr., Joshua R. Giddings Isaac
and^T-p” J°1^.IScoble&gt; JosePh Sturge, George Thompson, Samuel Ward
and Hiram Wilson, as well as subject matter volumes, as for exampie on

J• WrLo!re,HNrbc
1116 SyraCUSe HiSt0riCal Society holds a Me on
gun and the Syracuse Public Library has a useful collection
f genealogical materials. In Rochester, the university preserves the large

�504

A Note on Sources

the Samud D' Porter hoIdin2s on
facts snmf^ ° ^aiIroad- 111 Auburn one may examine a variety of artiCornell n Ca ‘aD’ m the Harriet Tubman Memorial Home- and at

A Note on Sources

505
van
SteinValshdenrCovedCti&lt;?n’
aDd
P3pCrS °£ Ulrich B- P™PS and Gertrude
Society hold's th^e^t£££&amp; w££*££S™

IthrTa\?e C°,le®e ^ aa extensive“rno^

The S^te Hi t S?c J' May antislavery pamphlet file proved of use.
other of AmSl7^ °f Pennsylvania&gt; in Philadelphia, is yet anlectL vi^/
superlative state archives. Here the Simon Grate Coljournal of ffif Spe;eral,mtoest“S items- William Still’s letter book, and the
were
Society Underground Railroad,
John nrr,^F
^he.mmutes
the Pennsylvania Abolition Society
Robert VauxPJames bSi^^A^ S°me Redpath materia1^’ and th®
British Navtdiw®
’ Amencan NeSro History Society, and

-£&lt;£?.£=.izzszxr** N'“by s"nh-

the o™!l6fi0DS ^ m°re WideIy di^ibuted and I researched th
em as
Clements t -u V aros\ usually while on other business. The William L
STof J
UniV£rSity °f Michigan houses the large coUec-'
Sarah orfr ^' ^ The°d°re DwiSht Weld, and Angelina and
ed tfd hv n Abr°ut one-third of the most important manuscripts
were
Birney, 1837-1857 (2 vds^N111
^
°f Iames GilUsPie
Wilson, and Hemy Eftb a e includli p' SC0We’ StUart* StUrge&gt; Walker,

55 “ “
brary has several diaries of Elihu Burri t hft make

7 ^^

materials of Harriet Beecher Stowe—in some sixt^lihrL^ ^ ^ f® h®
GrMe'y Swe^nrighf 1°£ “

the Kansas State Historical Soctefv Thk

f

Eastman PaPers), and

||S£~SHSlsi
.»£^"o=r„ “o£ s*ja,tsron M“- °*™*
ss jS2s t";:*

v^oV^S£mS^aVery-A^iti0n —p“ KreS Z
,"d

m

“st “ ■=* Acrrsss: ssr
-d

and I used a microfilm of the Wickett-WiswaU Collection of EhiahTo633’
joy Papers at Texas Technological College. The Office of the Chief Jr"
Washillgton’ DC&gt; made available within its Historical
Highway
3 V3nety °f manuscriPt ffles &lt;® the building of the Alaskan

treasUrer’s Ietters&gt; and ‘he
r°WS ^ °D the early fugitive slave settle-

Papers in Canada were also dispersed across the continent.
Again, the
most valuable collections were in the Public Archives of Canada
There
one

ss
X^rer::

HeJ holies
ments in Canada West. P ’

At Yale, the James Weldon Johnson

are

Collection, in the Beinecke Li-

orSJSSI,
zz%v ,ue“re ;r "d i”'-1«»=«««*
8
0DSWUt,0n of Vancouver Island’s Confederate League. The Carl

Galt i «”?S“ Afc"n,I“™

officials. The Louis-Hippolyte
Lafontaine Papers were of great use on
the French period, as were the

�si note on sources
extensive transcriptions from the Archives de la Marine (Serie B) and
Archives des colonies (Serie B, C, E, F) in Paris, the general correspon­
dence of Intendant Giles Hocquart, Fonds Frangais from the Bibliotheque
Nationale, and a variety of transcripts from the Archives Nationale. The
papers of James Murray, a number of Carleton transcripts, the Ward
Chipman, William King and William Dummer Powell papers, the diary of
Alexander McNeilledge, the Reynolds Family papers, plans of the Elgin
settlement with contemporary maps, and the journal of Mgr. J. O. Plessis
were of substantial use. The PAC also holds microfilms of the annual re­
ports, occasional papers, and minute books of the Colonial and Continen­
tal Church Society, the originals of which are at McGill University, at the
Methodist Missionary Society chambers in London, and in the British
Museum With the exception of the last, it was the microfilm I used. George
Julien s ‘ Coon” of Laurier is in the National Gallery of Art, also in Ot­
tawa.
In Toronto, the Ontario Provincial Archives provided the papers of Wil­
liam Canniff, J. George Hodgins, Mrs. Edmund George O’Brien, James R
Roaf, the Robinson and Russell families, John Graves Simcoe, Thomas
Smith, D. E. Stevenson, Bishop John Strachan, and a typescript by John
M. Elson. The University of Toronto added the John Carleton papers;
while the Toronto Public Library, always pleasant and efficient, drew from
its midden the diary of Elizabeth Russell, the papers of Peter Russell,
Robert Baldwin, William Jarvis, and David William Smith, the HubbardAbbott Collection, the manuscript autobiography of Thomas H. Scott,
Mrs. Amelia Harris’s scrapbooks, and a variety of broadsides, playbills'
prospecti, and clippings. All save the Smith papers proved of immense
value. The pamphlet and newspaper holdings of the Victoria University
(Toronto) Archives were of great use. A Bengough sketch satirizing
blacks hangs m the William Lyon Mackenzie House.
Elsewhere in Ontario, the obvious centers of research were Windsor,
London, and Hamilton. The first provides, in its public library, files on the
AME and BME churches, on black activities in the area, and on Amherstburg’s churches and schools. Several private individuals made available to
me family letters, genealogical charts, marginally annotated books, and
maps while the Hiram Walker Historical Museum also possesses maps
miscellaneous Negro papers, and lists of black settlers. Nearby, in the Amerstburg Public Library, the tiny Boyle Collection attested to the presence
of the early missionaries, while the museum of the Fort Malden National
Historical Park offered the account book of David McLaren Kemp, an
undertaker who was racially conscious, the F. C. B. Fall and Farney papers,
assessment rolls, Amherstburg deeds, and miscellaneous fugitive slave
and genealogy files.

507

The second city, London, provides unpublished local histories in both
S6 -!b lCJuar!! and at
University of Western Ontario, while the
Hamfiton Public Library holds a number of Negro-related scrapbooks and
G. C. Porter s manuscript history of the area. McMaster University, in
Hamilton, houses the Canadian Baptist Historical Association collection.
This includes James W. Johanson’s manuscript history of the Amherst­
burg Association, 1841-61, the minute book of the Sandwich Baptist
Church, and the minutes of the Western Regular Baptist Association.
Local libraries in Ontario, the province to which the majority of fugitive
slaves fled, cannot be ignored. The Barrie and Orillia public libraries the
Suncoe County Surrogate Court Office (in Barrie), the Norfolk, Lennox
and Addington, and Oxford historical societies, as well as those of Lundy’s
Lane and Thunder Bay (the latter in Port Arthur), and the ChathamKent Museum in Chatham, all hold relevant manuscripts. The last also has
books from William King’s library; and Uncle Tom’s Cabin Museum
near Dresden, displays playbills and artifacts relating to Henson. The of­
fice of the Board of Education in Chatham, in the minutes of the Board
of Public School Trustees, and the Grant African Methodist Episcopal
Church in London, through its church records, helped fill in lacunae in
the local story.
The Maritime archives were of slightly less importance. The Public
Archives of Nova Scotia holds individual files on several early settlers
transcripts from the Carleton papers, the diaries of Simeon Perkins (now
available in carefully edited form), a copy of the first volume of John
Clarkson’s diary, an Etter family genealogy, several Ward Chipman papers
and typescript local histories. Unfortunately, the papers of William s’
Fielding remain closed to researchers. Also in Halifax, the public library
m its local history collection, and the provincial library, in its newspaper
holdings, proved of great help. The Cambridge Maritime Military Library
has compiled a file on William Hall, V.C. The libraries of Saint Francis
Xavier University in Antigomsh and Acadia University in Wolfville the
last incorporating the Maritime Baptist Historical Collection, also yielded
scarce pamphlets and journals; and the Colchester Registry Office in
Truro has a relevant registry book. The office of the Halifax ChronicleHerald holds clippings on the singer, Portia White. I am particularly grate­
ful to Marjory Whitelaw of Pictou, who loaned me seven reels of taped
reminiscences of, and conversations with, Negroes living in Nova Scotia
in the 1960s.
In New Brunswick, the provincial museum in Saint John provided
papers and files on the Eastman, Hazen, Mayes, Odell, Thompson, and
etsel famihes, and some surviving Chipman papers, together with
numerous scrapbooks. In Fredericton, the University of New Brunswick,

�508

A Note on Sources

the legislative library, and the Rectory office of Christ’s Church, hold local
registers, wills, and minutes. The Saint John Public library has several files
on local Negro activities. The Woodstock Public Library has a small col­
lection of petitions. The Charlottetown, P.E.I., Public Library offered
typescript local histories which attest to early Negro arrivals.
In Quebec, Negro-related private materials were less frequent than one
would expect. The Chateau de Ramezay, in Montreal, has a manuscript
record on slavery in New France, while the Archives du Palais de Justice
attest to sales, births, marriages, baptisms, deaths, and burials. The Mc­
Cord Museum of McGill University, in the Porteous Manuscripts, and the
McGill University Library in its local history materials, were of some
value. The provincial archives in Quebec hold the manuscript second vol­
ume to Marcel Trudel’s study, wills and other actuarial records, and tran­
scripts of the Ordres du Roi. The Brome County Historical Society in
Knowlton offers local manuscripts and files. The single most valuable col­
lection in the province, however, is one not generally open to the public:
the records of the Canadian Labour Congress’s Joint Advisory Commit­
tee on Human Relations, originally kept at the Workman’s Circle Center
in Montreal. Extensive and highly revealing, these records tell of annual
trips into the Maritime Provinces, as well as within Quebec, to note and
combat instances of overt discrimination. These, together with folders on
discrimination in the Toronto office of the Human Rights Commission,
provided the single greatest non-newspaper source of data on the 1950s
and early 1960s. The collection includes mimeographed reports on activities, normally issued eleven times a year, files of local union news­
papers, newsletters of municipal employee groups, and carbons of correspondence with representatives in the field. In the end, relatively little
of this material was incorporated into the present study since the decision
was made to limit it largely to the years before 1960.
Across western Canada private collections helped tell the story of Negro
settlement, although interviews proved to be the most valuable source for
the prairie and mountain provinces since most settlement was within
the memory of living men. The Archives of British Columbia hold the
reminiscences of John Sebastian Helmcken, the diaries and account books
of Wellington D. Moses, the diary, correspondence, and record books of
Edward Cridge, the diaries of Reverend Ebenezer Robson and of Augus­
tus F. Pemberton, the South Saanich Public School Visitor’s Journal, tran­
scripts relating to the Colonial Missionary Society, several questionnaires
directed to early pioneers, and letters written by J. S. Matthews concerning early black settlers. The Vancouver City Archives, in the Vancouver
Public Library, has other Matthews correspondence and local clipping
files, and Victoria’s City Hall gave me documents signed by Mifflin Wistar

A Note on Sources

509

Gibbs, which I will deposit with the Yale University Library. L_.
The
University of British Columbia and Victoria University, in Victoria, hold
scarce pamphlets. The Central Saanich Baptist Church records, in that
church, attest to other Negro settlers, while the Nanaimo Archives has a
smgle document on
Stark family. Interviews on Saltspring Island,
as well as in Vancouver, proved of great importance.
On the prairies, private papers were less useful. The Glenbow Foundation Archives, in Calgary, holds typescripts and taped interviews with
Nettie Ware and seven other black settlers, related papers, and letters on
the settlements. The Edmonton Public Library has a clipping file on the
Ware family, and the Rutherford Library at the University of Alberta, in
Edmonton, has several manuscript local histories. So, too, does the
Saskatchewan Legislative Library, the University of Saskatchewan, and
the North Battleford and Moose Jaw public libraries. Again, interviews
in Amber Valley, Breton, Wildwood, Lloydminster, and Calgary, Alberta
and in Maidstone and Battleford, Saskatchewan, proved of greater value.
In Great Britain records are voluminous, cherished, yet nonetheless not
so well cared for as in North America. Most collections in the British
Museum take on a semiofficial character, as with the Bright, Clarkson,
Chatham, Cobden, Haldimand, Layard, Liverpool, Peel, and Sturge
papers. The BM reading room is unparalleled, of course, for yielding up
rare pamphlets, such as the annual reports of the Sierra Leone Company
or the Elgin Association; odd copies of the Nova Scotia Packet for 1786,
almanacks, and other printed primary sources. The Archives of the Hud­
son’s Bay Company, at London’s Beaver House, provided many references
to Negroes in the fur trade. Somerset House on the Strand, through its
wills; the College of Arms, in its modest Joseph Brant file; the West India
Committee Library, in the minutes of that body for the nineteenth century;
the visitor’s register in the Lambeth Palace Library; and the Estlin Papers
in Dr. Williams Library—all in London, also proved helpful. University
College, London, houses the papers of Lord Brougham, which fortunately
include a full, annotated index to that collection’s fifty thousand letters.
Of particular value for this study were the various archives and libraries
of the London-based missionary societies. The Society for the Propagation
of the Gospel was exceptionally important. It holds the account and
minute books of the Associates of Dr. Bray, the Canadian Papers of that
group, abstracts of proceedings, the journals and reports of the SPG, and
special West African and Nova Scotian files, together with the Houseal cor­
respondence and many pamphlets. The original SPG letters from Nova
Scotia are contained in a file box labeled “Dr. Bray’s Associates, Canadian
Papers.” While most of this material is now on microfilm at the PAC, the
film is unusually difficult to use, and one is well advised to consult the

�510

A Note on Sources

originals if at all possible. The Muniment Room of the Methodist Mis­
sionary Society holds twenty boxes of letters from the Canadian colonies
to London, of which six were pertinent. (All are on microfilm in the United
Church of Canada Archives at Victoria University, Toronto.) The Society
for the Propagation of Christian Knowledge preserves annual reports and
lists of votes for grants of money; the Church Missionary Society held
relevant journals; and Friends’ House contains letters to and from Phila­
delphia that proved relevant, as well as the journals of John Candler and
his wife.
The other great classification of records in Britain upon which I drew
were those of antislavery groups. By far the most important is the large
antislavery collection at Rhodes House, Oxford. This consists of most of
the papers of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society (and the AntiSlavery and Aborigines Protection Society), which are systematically
transferred from the latter body’s headquarters at Denison House, in Lon­
don, to Rhodes House, every ten years. (The Society retains a small re­
search library, the Thomas Binns Collection of pamphlets, some reports
of the Sierra Leone Company, and a modern file on Sierra Leone for the
period of independence.) Rhodes House holds the early minute books,
memorials and petitions, correspondence, and files of the printed Annual
Reports and of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Reporter, from 1840.
These papers were acquired in 1951. To them have been added manuscripts on the South African Labour Corps of World War I, which grew
from an offshoot of the Society—the Committee for the Welfare of Afri­
cans in Europe—and manuscripts relating to Indians in Canada. The antislavery papers have been edited and microfilmed, with an introduction by
Howard R. Temperley, the author of a forthcoming study on the AngloAmerican antislavery connection which I have read in manuscript.
Elsewhere in the United Kingdom one finds a variety of lesser collec­
tions. The Earl Fitzwilliam Papers, in the Sheffield Central Library
Archives, and other Fitzwilliam Papers in the Northamptonshire Record
Office at Delapre Abbey, were relevant to the story of Sir John Went­
worth. The Southampton Civic Record Office has made available the papers
of George S. Smyth. Wilberforce House, at Kingston upon Hull, the Ips­
wich Central Library, and the East Suffolk and Ipswich Record Office in
Ipswich hold papers of the ubiquitous Thomas Clarkson. Other Clarkson
letters are in the hands of Thomas Hodgkin, of Oxford, who was kind
enough to grant me access to them at his home in Umington; and in the
Granville Sharp papers, at Hardwicke Court, Gloucester, which LieutenantColonel A. Lloyd-Baker, their owner, made available. The John Rylands
Library in Manchester has some George Thompson materials and the
Crawford Muniments, containing letters written by Earl Balcarres. The
Royal Archivist at Windsor Castle consulted the appointments book of

A Note on Sources

511

Queen Victoria for me, while the Greenwich Naval Library microfilmed
the log of the Sandown, which touches upon the Asia. The National
Library of Scotland, in Edinburgh, has the Edward Ellice Papers, while
the papers of the Earl of Dalhousie, in the Scottish Record Office, contain
correspondence with Bathurst for the Refugee period. The County Archives
of the East Riding of Yorkshire, in Beverley, holds one such letter. There
are Simcoe Papers in the National Library of Wales in Aberystwyth and in
the Devon Record Office, Exeter. A petition from Hitchin, Herts., relating
to the fugitive slaves in Canada, listed by Charles O. Paullin and Frederic
L. Paxson in their 1914 Guide to the Manuscripts in London Archives for
the History of the United States since 1783 (Washington), as being in the
House of Lords Papers, could not be traced.
Some records that one would like to consult are apparently gone for­
ever. We know that the papers of Reverend Daniel Cock, as well as most
of those of Benjamin Lundy, were destroyed by fire. None of the original
records of the Anti-Slavery Society of Canada have been preserved out­
side the George Brown papers. The papers of Sam Hughes appear not to
have survived in any quantity. Materials relating to T. B. Macaulay are
said to exist in a garage in suburban Montreal although efforts to gain
access to them failed. While the widows of both Marcus Garvey and Rich­
ard Wright sent me various printed materials, they were unable to make
available any manuscript collections. No references to the Fort Erie meet­
ing survive in the papers of W. E. B. DuBois, now in the hands of Herbert
Aptheker, who kindly searched them for me. One could also wish
that registers of marriage had been kept in Ontario prior to 1867, but they
were not, and thus only Anglican and Roman Catholic interracial marriages could be documented for Canada West.
Archives in other lands proved of marginal utility. In Bermuda, the
Bahamas, and Jamaica, local archives, public libraries, and churches
yielded records relating to the period when Canadian-West Indian Union
was under desultory discussion. This documentation is cited in my recent
short monograph, subtitled A Forty-Year Minuet (London, 1968). The
Jamaican Institute, the public library of Montego Bay, and the University
of the West Indies hold rare printed materials on the Maroon Wars. The
Sierra Leone Archives, in Freetown, contain John Clarkson’s draft diary,
while the library of the University of Sierra Leone has the diaries of
George Ross. In Freetown I interviewed some members of the Sierra
Leone Settlers’ Descendents League. In Bathurst, The Gambia, I passed
an exciting week in anticipation while working through the archives—then
totally unorganized and strewn about a small shed—to find only two docu­
ments relating to the Nova Scotians, duplicated elsewhere. By chance, the
diary of Thomas Haweis, in the Mitchell Library, Sydney, Australia, while
being searched for another purpose, helped to confirm one aspect of the

�J14

A Note on Sources
Nova Scotian migration. In Paris, visits to the Bibliotheque Nationale, the
Archives Nationale, and related archives confirmed that the transcripts
(many handwritten) in the PAC and in Quebec were full and accurate
Finally, one must note other papers which remain in private hands but
which nonetheless were made available to me, in addition to those men­
tioned above. Fred Landon’s private collection, to which that devoted
scholar gave all interested historians ready access, proved to be of great
value, especially on the 1840s and 1850s. Consulted in Professor Landon s home in London, Ontario, these materials have been transfered si
nee
his death in 1969 to the University of Western Ontario. Of only slightly
less value were the records kept in the Cornwallis Street Baptist Church
in Halifax. These include the reports of the African Association of Nova
Scotia, and also of the Nova Scotia Association for the Advancement
of Colored People together with extensive church records. Other churches
in British Columbia, Alberta, Ontario, and Nova Scotia also opened up
their records. The documents of the Negro Community Centre in Monfreal, made selectively available by Stanley Cylke, and those of the
Canadian Labour Congress, discussed above, were particularly useful So
too was the private collection of Mr. Alvin McCurdy of Amherstburg who
has drawn together many local records on the Negro community along the
Detroit River. At the Harvard School of Public Health I was given unrestneted access to the original research transcripts of the “Stirling County”
project, which includes raw data on Negro residents in Digby County, Nova
acoua.
1 advertized for individuals to come forward with materials, and a number did so In this way files, letters, and clippings were made available on
Matthew Henson, by Herbert M. Frisby of Baltimore; on John Ware bv
ettie Ware of Kirkaldy, Alberta; on Henry Yandusen, an early black
settler, by Glen Ladd of Dresden; on J. B. Harkin, by Miss Dora Barber
of Ottawa; on Negro Freemasonry in Canada, by Reginald V. Harris of
Halifax; and on the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters and the British
Columbia Association for the Advancement of Colored People, by Frank
Collms of Burnaby. Mrs. Keith Staebler loaned her notes on New Road
and her letters to her husband, written at the time; the Reverend William P.
G l!f’ f1S,h°P W- L WaUs&gt; and Reverends Charles Este and Winston
• H. Clarke, as well as Messrs. Stanley G. Grizzle and Daniel G Hill all
made personal items available. Cecil Flarmsworth King kindly permitted’the
author to examine his copy of John Clarkson’s diary in his office at the
London Daily Mirror. (This diary has since gone to the University of
Illinois.) Many others wrote letters of reminiscence, provided references
sent clippings from local newsapers, and simply offered encouragement in
response to my appeals printed in a variety of j'ournals.

A Note on Sources

513

Printed Materials
been indiciateddabovpOIAeS vT
^ scarce Published materials have
. f
. . e' A Wlde vanety
printed sources, especially annual
reports of societies and government agencies, is cited in the notel These
18971 fr?i&gt; It6 leSU!‘ Relations and AUied Documents (Cleveland
211; ed:ted^y Reuben Gold Thwaites&gt; through the annual reports of
die Education Department of Nova Scotia. Wherever possible the originals
bv Pauff rnatenals have been consulted, as with the Relation of 1632,
d n ‘1 Je.une; Whl^h ,s ln the John Carter Brown Library in Provi°f parUcular value were the annual reports of the Canadian League
n7th \r v"CeTn
C° °red People’ of the United Baptist Convention
bers 3
T
°£ ““ Elgin Associatio11 (°f which only numbers 3, 4, 6-7, and 10-11 appear to have survived,
although number 2 is
quoted in the Voice of the Fugitive for November 5, 1851, and number 5
m Bcnjamms Drews work), and of the British Columbia Association for
the Advancement of Colored People. Some reports that one expected to
p °f value—those of the Upper Canada Committee of the Society for the
Propaga ion of the Gospel m Foreign Parts, for example—proved of little
use whde others that one ordinarily would pass over (the Proceedings of
the Semi-Annual and Annual Session of the Grand Lodge of A.F and A
A widT °
fT ' - ' } W6re f0Und t0 conta“ Negro-related records.
A wide range of almanacs, maps, novels, artifacts (as with Negro berry bas­
kets preserved in the Citadel Museum in Halifax), and “association items”
!nn-'cTCr^ , ,° be!onging to John Scoble&gt; or l°^s of Thomas Clarkson s hair) helped to demonstrate a relationship, an activity, or an attitude.
Other contemporary materials are less difficult to find. The British
Canadian, and provincial Hansard’s, for example, provide most of the
evidence on the legislative record. The published accounts by fugitive
Josiah FT
^ 7w7 WeUS Br°Wn’ Uwis Clarke- Frederick Douglass,
osiah Henson, J. W. Loguen, Austm Steward, or Samuel Ringgold Ward
ell WC°ntem^r7 cW°rks of Beniamin Drew, Levi Coffin, Samuel
Tosenhy&lt;S°We’ 7?“ { E' Lmt0n’ Harriet Beecher Stowe, Charles Stuart,
Joseph Stage, and others, are all central to this study. The value of most
of these is mdicated at the appropriate places in the
notes.
Newspapers

and

Magazines

While newspapers are a particularly valuable source for the historian
they also present special problems. Full files of any except the major met­
ropolitan papers are not likely to have survived and if one wishes to con­
sult an entire run of a single newspaper, issues often must be pieced

•

�?
514

A Note on Sources

together from a variety of locations. Viewed as a source of data, a single
issue of a single paper has its values; viewed, as in this study, as a source
of public opinion, and as a molder of that opinion as well, longer and co­
herent runs of a paper are essential. Before accepting a news item, the
historian must do what he can to verify its version against other types of
sources or, failing such sources, against another newspaper. The re­
searcher must know of the newspaper’s ownership, the politics of its man­
agement and of its editors, the extent to which it may be dependent upon
advertising revenue for survival, and the nature of its readership. Ob­
viously, news concerning Negro activities that appears in a Negro news­
paper differs from news that appears in an anti-Negro paper. Equally
obviously, the estimate given to the size of an abolitionist meeting by the
antislavery Toronto Globe is to be set off against an estimate provided by
the anti-abolitionist Toronto Leader, although not necessarily equally. The
editorial opinions of Toronto’s Christian Guardian will spring from differ­
ent sources than the opinions expressed by a secular press. And one must
view distinctions within their time, for most nineteenth-century newspapers
in North America, even if overtly secular, employed biblical and racial
rhetoric on their editorial pages.
Apart from the problem of interpretation there is, when dealing with
the press of the last century and a half, the added problem of quantity.
The nineteenth century was a time of thriving local newspapers, and for
a full understanding of what Canadians read about black men (or about
events which would have given rise to thoughts about black men, as re­
porting on the Civil War and Reconstruction in the United States did),
one might reasonably be expected to examine many dozens of titles. In
the twentieth century, with the growth of massive Sunday newspapers, of
supplements, and of advertising, the researcher must contend with a bulk
beyond the capacity of any one person. Yet these newspapers demand
examination, for on their editorial pages, in their news items, among the
social notes, through those letters to the editor which they chose to print,
and even in the products they advertized, one may find frequent suggestions
of racial awareness. A full content analysis of the Canadian press on this
subject would be a lengthy study in itself (and very possibly not worth­
while).
Accordingly, I narrowed the range of research in two ways. Leaving
myself thirty-two newspapers which I examined personally and—to the
extent that complete files were available—on an issue-by-issue basis, I
chose forty-five other newspapers, largely weeklies, which both I and
bursary assistants examined on the basis of specific known events, or in
the light of a bulking of Negro-related news items in the initial twentythree papers. These thus came to comprise a “control” group. Further,
since it quickly became apparent that no single researcher could keep

A Note on Sources

515

abreast of press opinion and news items in the decade of the 1960s (dur­
ing which time this investigation was made) while carrying out other re­
search as well, I sought professional help. From 1960 to 1968 the
Canadian Press Clipping Service of Toronto supplied weekly sets of material drawn from the entire spectrum of the Canadian press, including
all items referring to Negroes—whether in the United States or Canada—
and to discrimination, against whatever group. The specific newspapers
drawn upon, 210 titles in all, are indicated seriatim in the footnotes. A
full list would be superfluous here, as well as unduly cumbersome,
especially since masthead titles often changed two or three times. These
clippings have also been given to the Schomburg Collection.
Certain newspapers were of particular help. Fortunately, many are now
available on microfilm from the Canadian Library Association; and the
Public Archives of Canada, which has runs of all those on film, will loan
its microfilm holdings. The Ontario Public Archives provides many others.
In this way one could examine, for example, the Amherstburg Echo for
1888-1949, the Charlottetown Islander for 1853-65, the Chatham
Journal for 1841-44, the Chatham Planet for 1850-58, The Christian
Guardian for 1837-39, the Fredericton New Brunswick Royal Gazette for
1786-1816, the Halifax Acadian Recorder for 1813-1919, the Halifax
Herald for 1897-1938, the Halifax Journal for 1796-1817, the Halifax
Morning Chronicle for 1884-1969, the Halifax Novascotian for 1841-47,
the Halifax Royal Gazette for 1752-1824, the Hamilton Spectator for
1916-47, the London Free Press for 1859-1969, the Montreal Gazette
for 1840-1969, the Montreal Witness for 1846-54, the Quebec Gazette
for 1768-94, the Saint John Globe for 1847-1912, the Saint John New
Brunswick Courier for 1849-52, the Saint John Royal Gazette for 17841800, the Toronto Globe for 1850-1969 (in later years the Globe &amp;
Mail), the Toronto Financial Post for 1942-69, the Toronto Mail and
Empire for 1911-28, the Toronto Star for 1930-65, the Toronto Tele­
gram for 1924-69, the Vancouver Province for 1935-69, the Victoria
Colonist for 1859-1969, the Victoria Daily Evening Express for 1863-65,
and the York Upper Canada Gazette for 1793-1838. The Maidstone Mirror
for 1943-53 is on microfilm in the Saskatchewan archives. Joseph Howe’s
personal copies of The Nova Scotia Chronicle and Weekly Advertiser,
together with the Nova Scotia Gazette and Weekly Chronicle, both from
Halifax, are in the PANS. For background on many of these papers at mid­
nineteenth century, see Helen Elliot, comp., Fate, Hope and Editorials:
Contemporary Accounts and Opinions in the Newspapers, 1862-1873,
Microfilmed by the CLA/ACB Microfilm Project (Ottawa, 1967).
Another approach was to examine, in so far as possible, all of the press
of a single key community. For this purpose Windsor was chosen, and
extant files of the Windsor Herald, Daily Star, and Daily Record, were

�516

A Note on Sources

consulted. For Halifax, in addition to the papers cited above, the Nova
Scotia Packet, Weekly Chronicle, Mail-Star, Herald, and Evening Mail
were used.
Particularly important, of course, were the abolitionist newspapers. In
Canada these were the Voice of the Fugitive, published in Windsor from
1851 to 1852 (with a file in the Burton Historical Collection of the Detroit
Public Library); The Provincial Freeman, from Chatham, 1853-ca. 1857
(the originals of which are in the University of Pennsylvania Library), the
short-lived Voice of the Bondsman, from Stratford (with a single 1856
copy surviving in the library of the University of Western Ontario), and
The True Royalist, of Hamilton (of which two copies may be found in
the Fort Malden Museum). In the United States there were far more such
newspapers, and they have survived longer. Those that were searched (al­
though there is much duplicated content among them) were the National
Anti-Slavery Standard from New York, 1840-70 (New York Public Li­
brary), The Friend of Man, 1836-38 (on film), Garrison’s Boston-based
Liberator, 1831-65, The Oberlin Evangelist for 1848-53 only, The AntiSlavery Record, New York, 1835-37, Anti-Slavery Examiner, New York,
1836-45, American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Reporter, New York,
1840-46, Anti-Slavery Lecturer, from Utica, N.Y., 1839, The Emanci­
pator, New York, 1834—49, and the National Anti-Slavery Bazaar, Boston,
1845-50 (all at Yale); The Genius of Universal Emancipation, Benjamin
Lundy’s parapetetic newspaper, 1821—39 (The Johns Hopkins University
Library); and Frederick Douglass’ Paper, for 1853, and the Salem, Ohio,
Anti-Slavery Bugle, 1845-60 (both LC). Also consulted was the New
York Herald for 1854—71, which is not cited in the footnotes since it was
drawn upon heavily in a previous book by the author, and since most of
its news items on Negro activities in Canada were reprinted from other
sources. Of the greatest value was the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery
Reporter to which ‘and Aborigines Friend' was later added, published in
London 1840-1966 (Yale University Library, 1840-57, 1859-67, and
1857—59 on microfilm).
American and Canadian Negro newspapers were a chief source of in­
formation and opinion. All Canadian Negro newspapers and magazines,
as discussed in Chapter 13, were researched on an issue-for-issue basis.
Locations of files are discussed in the notes to that chapter. Of some sixtythree American Negro newspapers available on microfilm by 1968,
eighteen were used. Those that proved to be helpful were the St. Paul
Appeal and St. Paul Broad Axe (not to be confused with the Chicago Broad
Ax, which was also consulted), The Elevator, from San Francisco, in which
Mifflin Wistar Gibb’s articles appeared, New York’s Amsterdam News, the
Pittsburg Courier, the Detroit Plaindealer, and the Cleveland Gazette.

A Note on Sources

517

Several newspapers were used at the office of the papers themselves, on
occasion with the aid of an informal index compiled locally for in-house
purposes. That this method of approach was useful may be shown by the
Saint John Telegraph. Two important items relating to the Refugee
Negroes of the 1820s, drawn from reminiscences of early settlers in Nova
Scotia, appeared in issues in 1875 and 1884. The New Freeman, a Roman
Catholic newspaper, also of Saint John, and read in that paper’s library,
first revealed in its issues for 1903 the controversy with Neith magazine’
as related in Chapter 13. The Toronto Star's clipping file proved of great
use as well. Regrettably, two files of newspapers that might well have en­
riched the story told here were not found: The Truro News, of which only
a post-1949 run survives in that paper’s office, following upon a fire in
that year; and the Dresden Times, published weekly from 1872 into the
1890s.
Magazines, like newspapers, are organs of opinion. The number of
articles on Negro-related subjects, as well as their content, is one index
to the degree of interest in the “Negro problem.” Articles on race relations
in the United States, appearing in contemporary Canadian periodicals__
Atlantic Advocate, Commentary, Canadian Forum, Canada Week,
Maclean's, Saturday Night—reveal much about the use of the Negro as a
metaphor in the relations between the two countries. Articles in welfareoriented journals, such as Canadian Labour Reports, the Journals of Edu­
cation for both Ontario and Nova Scotia, Canadian Welfare, L'Action
nationale, The Labour Gazette, The Journal of the Y.M.C.A., The Angli­
can, or The United Church Record and Missionary Review, increasingly
contain Negro-related materials. American journals, especially in the nine­
teenth century, had occasion to report on the progress of the fugitives in
Canada and, later, on race relations in the Dominion. Thus, Atlantic
Monthly, The Chautauquan, The Literary Digest, The Living Age, the New
York Times Magazine, The North American Review, Outlook, Scribner's
and The Southern Workman, all contain relevant matter. So, too, do reli­
gious periodicals in both countries: Acadia Bulletin, American Missionary,
The [Canadian] Baptist Magazine and Missionary Register, Canadian
Christian, Canadian Evangelist, Freewill Baptist Quarterly, Gospel Tribune
and Christian Communionist, The Maritime Baptist, The United Church
Observer, the Upper Canada Baptist Missionary Magazine, and several
others. The most important British publications were the American Baptist
Free Mission Society (seen in the American Antiquarian Society),
Arminian Magazine, Baptist Annual Register, The Colonial Protestant,
Free Church of Scotland Monthly, and Herald of Peace. British and
Canadian popular periodicals were of substantial help'. These include

�518

A Note on Sources

A Note on Sources

519
Of Riches (1957) or The Innocent Traveller (1949) respectivelv Still

clnadiln erilS,S;
Anglo-American Magazine, Canadian Antiquarian,
prrj
Il‘ustrfed News- Canadian Magazine, The European Magazine
Monthlv’l d yp Cana?en‘ The Imperial Magazine, Knox College
Journal'TheTn
The Maple Lea&lt;- Numismatic
Z ,'T
A Llterary and AntiSl™ery Journal, and The Unirsity agazine. Special interest publications were often of value- Ca­
nadian Cigar and Tobacco Journal, Canada-West Indies Magazine, McDuff

!ro, r';

v?" Merchant, West India Commercial Cir-

cuiar, or the New York organ of the Ku Klux Klan, the American
Standard.
fun?seSdatA°nS °f \nd fM Canadiaa and American Negroes were careMly searched. Among these were those magazines discussed in Chapter 13
journal rt AtS A/kan In!erpreter’ African Repository and Colonial
i
, ' _ Afro~Ame/ican Magazine, The AME Church Review Amherstburg Quarterly Mission Journal, The Black Man, The Black Worker
c2Ze/r!nenCanr Challense’ The stored American Magazine, The
Th M Ha,vesl- Crisis, Ebony, The Freedman’s Advocate, The Informer
PalmTh^’v68™ Dl8eSt (D0W BlaCk W°rld)’ Negr0 World&gt; Pine and
Palm, The Spoken Word," and The Street Speaker.
Most of the above were consulted at the Library of Congress the Yale
University Lib™,, ,b, British Mnsenm, or the&amp;hombTJ CoM™
Exceptions are the Canadian religious periodicals, read in the New York
Pubhc Library, at Acadia University, McMaster University, the Union
SoStTtP S”r{/New Y°* City), the American Bapiist Historic^
y ( ochester, New York), or the Southwestern Baptist Theological
v^Tvh F°rlWonh)- Four earlier journals were consulted at the Har­
vard library: American Baptist Magazine and Missiona,y Intelligencer
nublSdSe“sBatptlS‘ Maftme, Massachusetts Missionary Magazine (all
published m Boston), and Vermont Baptist Missionary Magazine
(Ruttwe^fl
J’°UrAnaIS gave
t0 othera&gt; of a secular nature, in the
twentieth century. Again, as m the 1920s so in the 1960s, Canadian fiction
m magazines and books reflected continental norms, and the black man was
set to play the same roles in Canadian as in American fiction. Negroes be­
gan to appear with regularity in Canadian novels, still as stock figures but
now supporting °*T stereotyPes- Mazo de la Roche wrote her poorest
h k’!fr0miP8 at Jahla (1961). about pro-Southern Canadians during the
r
Civil War; Ernest Buckler, a highly regarded Maritime novelist, was to
prove unexpectedly graceless when he attempted to hint at prejudice in
Nova Scotia’s classrooms in his 1959 short story, “Long, Long after School”
(A fanttc Advocate, 52 [1959], 42-44); and even GabrieUe Roy and Ethel
Wilson, fastidious writers both, could not bring black men to life in Street

D.«, ,„d tvtog L„lm,

r„ -rs-sri«2r- “d ^ i»«"

L™‘

undesirable Negroes, so did lib.,1
men

novels: The Apprenticeship of Daddy KravTtz (1959) r/! .SUCCessi011 °f
(1963), and CociW (1968) It wa left to 1’
Ineom*rdHe

srr “
covertly and frequently overtly-had become part of tte
baggage for the Canadian of the 1960s, a far wfder range ofmaterids S

.h...*h te

Zta p=Jddts^™ d”i «S

o?r“! ,0,bl'Clt-Whl“ "“«=&gt;"&gt;■'- Few r«LS ,„ fa,t ,o nS
of the journals mentioned above, have been incorporated into the footnotes
rightly the provmce of the social scientist than of the humanist*1*10118 m°le

I

Still, , not all knowledge arises from the printed word. Interviews with
mo„
many dozens: of Canadian Negroes, from Cape Breton Uland to Vancou
!!L“’ fPSd t0 Provide a background of attitudes, recollections
regrets, and pleasures for the post-1865 years. Seldom
’
was I refused the

�1
I

520

A Note on Sources

gift of time, attention, and of being taken seriously; often this gift was
accompanied by a willingness to bring out faded photographs, wedding
invitations, and family Bibles, the visual evidence of a past that was
thought worth remembering. Such items are not “documents” to add to the
piling of note upon note—no more than the casual conversation with a
black laborer, a sidewalk artist, or a school custodian may be—but they
provide above all the interest and the pleasure to sustain the more traditional search for evidence. There are many thousands of Negroes in
Canada to whom I was not able to talk, and this study is the weaker for
that. It is nonetheless much the stronger for the help of those with whom
I could talk, for the fact that no one appeared to feel that the end result
would lack “relevance” to the continuing black experience.
These contacts often took place at the scenes of events described in
this book, for no archive can provide a substitute for traversing the ground
of history itself. One must see for oneself precisely where William King’s
house stood, or William Peyton Hubbard was buried, or John Clarkson
spoke to the assembled Nova Scotians. To see the Cockpit Country of
Jamaica; to view Freetown from the heights above Fourah Bay; to write
upon a table in Kingston upon Hull where Wilberforce wrote—in short, to
experience the place, the sight, and occasionally the sound of history is to
remind oneself that the historian must always use that slight gift of intuition
which makes the leaps of faith he takes between evidence and conclusion
possible. It is in such places and moments as these, as well as in the con­
tinuing chase within the confines of an archive, that the historian must
ever seek his pleasure and his sole reward.

Index
In the index, as well as the text, hyphens appear in French-Canadian names when
their owners generally used them, and otherwise not. Place names in Canada but not
stanhvCHnameS d“Where’ are indexed- °nly ^ose footnotes which contain sub­
discussion of a point are included in the index. The maps are omitted, as is
the Note on Sources, except for pages 512 and 519-20.
Abbott, Anderson Ruffin, 328-32 passim Afro-American Press Association, 393
335, 412n41
Afro-Beacon, The, 404
Abbott, Ellen Toyer, 328-29
Agnew, Stair, 44, 108, 109
Abbott, Wilson Ruffin, 211, 212, 226 Alake of Abeokuta, 167
255, 328-29, 357, 367
Alberta: settlement in, 287; Oklahoma
Acadia University, 350, 383
Negroes in, 303, 305-06; civil rights
Activism: in the church, 351-52; growth
legislation in, 428
of, 414-68
Alcan project, 422
Adams, Elias, 258
Alexander, Arthur, 314
Adams, Grantley Herbert, 442
Alexander, Charles, 277
Addington, 133
Alexander, Lincoln, 459-60, 489, 494
Adolphustown, 33
Allan, William, 352
Africa: migrations to Sierra Leone, 44, Allen, Isaac, 44, 108, 109
56, 57, 61-78, 90-94; Bulama settle­ Allen, Richard, 154-55, 355
ment in, 74, 75; settlement in Liberia, Allen, William, 152
154; Canadian reaction to apartheid Amber Valley, 303, 306, 308, 381
in, 445-48
Amelia Island, 116
African Aid Society, 168
American and Foreign Anti-Slavery So­
African Association of Nova Scotia, 512
ciety, 173, 263, 264
African Baptist Association of Nova American Anti-Slavery Society, 149 179
Scotia, 139
220,236,263,490
’
*
African Methodist Episcopal Church American Baptist, The, 342
(AME), 154, 231, 355-60, 394
American Baptist Anti-Slavery Conven­
African Methodist Episcopal Zion
tion, 219
Church (AMEZ), 355, 359
American Baptist Free Mission Society
African Orthodox Church, 354, 415
200-03 passim, 206, 230-31, 342
African Students Association of the American Baptist Missionary Union, 342
United States and Canada, 442
American Colonization Society, 154-55
African United Baptist Association of
162, 257
*
Nova Scotia, 139, 345-48 passim, American Missionary Association
386-87
(AMA), 207-08, 224-27, 271, 397
African United Nations Emergency
American Nazi Party, 468n66
Force, 445-46
American Revolution, affect on Negroes
Africa Speaks, 404, 408-09, 412/z40
29-31,46,61
“
3
Africville, 130, 348, 383, 384, 389, 411
American Tract Society, 221, 222
420, 441, 452-56
Amherst, 27, 52
Afro-American Council, 359
Amherst, Jeffrey, 24
521

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8. A Continental Abolitionism?

The Underground Railroad plays a dual role in the story of the continental
movement to abolish slavery. It was unquestionably the highly effective
means by which a number—an exaggerated and indefinite number of
fugitive slaves reached British North America. It was the cause of a legend
that would make it possible for Canadians to reinforce their self-congrat­
ulatory attitudes toward their position on the Negro, and to strengthen
those self-congratulatory assumptions into the twentieth century. The latter role was more demonstrable than the former.
To say that the Underground Railroad was enlarged by legend is not
to say that it did not exist. Clearly, there was a loose network of abolition­
ists, perhaps predominantly Quaker, who communicated with one another
in order to make known various places of refuge where fugitive slaves
might go during their journey from the slave states to the free border cities
of the north and to the British provinces. Thousands of fugitive slaves were
helped in this manner, being passed on from hand to hand, fed, clothed,
and hidden, and on occasion given transport or money for the purchase of
tickets. In some areas—especially southern Illinois, Indiana, and Ohio—
the so-called Underground Railroad agents worked clandestinely, living
amidst proslavery or anti-Negro neighbors. But in many other areas
further to the north the Railroad was seldom underground, being well
known to local newspapers and law officers alike—as in Syracuse, Detroit,
and Toledo. That the Railroad did help many fugitive slaves reach Canada
West in particular, yet that its importance was much exaggerated, is now
well demonstrated.1 Both aspects of this legend are central to an under­
standing of the position of the Negro in the Canadas during the decade
before, and the several decades after, the Civil War.
Canadian legend today claims that at least sixty thousand fugitive
slaves were resident in Canada West in 1860. Contemporary estimates
ranged from fifteen to seventy-five thousand, with many whites accepting
figures closer to the latter. If this were so, the black population of Canada
West in the 1850s was around 4 percent of the total, since the 1861 census
1. See, in particular, Larry Gara: “Propaganda Uses of the Underground Railway,”
Mid-America, n.s., 23 (1952), 155-71; and idem, “The Underground Railway: Legend
or Reality?”, Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, 105 (1961), 33439.

�234

A Continental Abolitionism?

The Blacks in Canada

for the province showed 1,396,000. That the Negro population did increase
precipitously in the southwestern part of the province also is clear, a condition that helps to explain the rapidly rising anti-Negro sentiment in that
portion of Canada West as well as the tendency to overestimate Negro
numbers. If so many fugitive slaves did find refuge in the single province,
two other conclusions follow: the great majority returned to the United
States at the end of the Civil War, since the Negro population in 1871
was undeniably but a fraction of sixty thousand; and the Canadians could
rightly take credit for harboring—and for at least a decade and a half
giving aid to—a quite substantial body of refugees from the political and
social conflicts of the Republic.
Yet, both the estimates of the Negro population, and the conclusions
relating to fugitive slaves that flow from these estimates, must be tempered
by a number of observations:
1. While contemporary accounts often suggested that sixty thousand or
more fugitive slaves were present in Canada West, in fact at least, both
Canada West and Canada East were meant—as one may see when the
estimates are read in context; and on occasion all of British North America
was indicated. Thus, the sixty thousand should be read against a total
population of over three million. In fact, the black segment of the population probably gained only a percentage point in the 1850s, since there
was massive white immigration during the decade.
2. While the estimates implied that they referred to fugitive slaves only,
again when read in context nearly all show that they applied to the total
black population. The figures often were given out in ignorance of the
presence of many free Negroes from the northern states and of free
Canadian Negroes who traced themselves back to the American Revolution. One may ask, What is said of the British North American attitude
toward Negroes when all were assumed to be fugitives? 2
3. In any event, the estimates utterly ignore the official censuses of the
governments of the Canadas. The census for Canada West in 1851 showed
a total of 4,669 Negroes, while official estimates suggested 8,000; the
census for 1861 showed 11,223; and other official figures raised the total
to 13,566. The 1861 census, in particular, was thought at the time and has
proven since to be quite inaccurate.3
2. Siebert, Underground Railroad, p. 219; Booker T. Washington, The Story of
the Negro: The Rise of the Race from Slavery (New York, 1909), 2, 240. Contemporary authority for the estimate of a total of sixty thousand Negroes in the Canadas
appears in “W. M. G.” “A Sabbath among the Runaway Negroes at Niagara,” Excelsior, 5 (1856), 41. Typical exaggerations include the estimate of Thomas Nye, men­
tioned in chapter 6, note 28, above.
3. See M. C. Urquhart and K. A. H. Buckley, cds., Historical Statistics of Canada
(Cambridge, 1965), pp. 1-4, for an analysis of the inaccuracy of the early census

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235

4. Further, no accurate figures can be given either for the number of
fugitive slaves in the whole of the British North American provinces, or
for the total number of Negroes. Many attempted to pass for white when in
the Canadas, many were not enumerated, and census takers might reasonably have confused fugitive American with free American blacks, since the
former often claimed the status of the latter, especially because of their
misplaced fear of extradition.
5. Samuel Ringgold Ward, a fugitive slave himself, wrote in his autobiography in 1855 that reaching Canada was a most difficult task, and that
"but few comparatively can come.” This would seem a logical conclusion,
for the Canadas were far away and little known to the fugitives, and many
were told that the colonies were uninhabitable for black men. One must assume that the majority of the total number of fugitive slaves did not reach
the Canadian provinces and remained in the free northern states.4
6. This being so, how many might have reached the Canadas? Official
reports suggested that the slave states lost perhaps a thousand runaway
slaves a year. Assuming this to be so for the period 1830 to 1860, even
had every single fugitive reached Canada safely, the total would have been
only 30,000.° As it was, many died en route, disappeared and could not be
accounted for, returned to the South to escape another time and be counted
again (for one man escaping twice is two escapes, although he is still but
one man when on Canadian soil), or remained in the North.
7. Thus, contemporary accounts tended to refer to fugitives as “passing
through” Syracuse, Albany, or Cleveland “on the way to Canada.’ All
of these were assumed to have reached the Canadas. But many—perhaps
the majority—stopped short of the Canadian border; and many were
counted more than once, “passing through” Albany and, at a later date,
“passing through” Syracuse, Rochester, or Buffalo. No doubt, there were
many, like William Wells Brown, who set out for Canada West and, finding
ice on Lake Erie had curtailed steamer traffic, simply stayed in Ohio.6
returns. The census of 1851 is believed to have underenumerated the province’s
total population by a hundred thousand. Both it and that of 1861 undercounted

children.
4. Ward, Autobiography, p. 158; Gara, The Liberty Line: The Legend of the
Underground Railroad (Lexington, Ky.f 1961), pp. 37-40, 67, 111, 145, 149, 161,
185-90. Gara has drawn upon the Siebert Papers in the Ohio State Historical Society
and Harvard's Houghton Library; I have examined both collections and accept his
conclusions.
5. However, in 1855 a Southern judge guessed that the slave states had lost
“upwards of 60,000 slaves” (Kenneth M. Stampp, The Peculiar Institution: Slavery In
the Ante-Bellum South [New York, 1964], p. 118).
6. See William Edward Farrison, “A Flight Across Ohio: The Escape of William
Wells Brown from Slavery,” The Ohio State Archaeological and Historical Quarterly,
61 (1952), 272-82, and Brown’s Narrative . . . (Boston, 1847). A typical entry

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256

77ie Blacks in Canada

A Continental Abolitionism?

237

8. Related to this terminological guesswork was the tendency for
abolitionists, in letters, newspaper accounts, and their autobiographies, to
rejoice at having put a fugitive “on the stage for Canada.” This phrase
could be invoked in Cincinnati—where it meant nothing, since no stage
ran from southern Ohio to Canada—as well as in Buffalo, where it had
genuine meaning. To count a fugitive who boarded a stage in Cincinnati,
or even Oberlin, as being safely in Canada is similar to assuming that a
Hungarian refugee who was seen leaving Budapest in 1957 arrived safely
in Vienna.
9. The abolitionist press quoted each other at length, usually but not
always with credit, and with repetitious figures—all of which served to
create the impression that refugees were reaching Canada West in waves.
The Voice of the Fugitive would report that forty Negroes had arrived in
Amherstburg; six weeks later the same item would be reprinted in another
abolitionist journal in New York or Ohio. The forty fugitives one read of
in June were the same forty that one had read of in April.7
10. The free Negro population in the northern states, and the total
Negro population in British North America —fugitive and free—showed
an excess of females. Most fugitives were males. One might conclude that
the majority in either population therefore consisted of nonfugitives.
11. Many southerners, who had some reason to wish to exaggerate thenlosses, did not think the Canadas harbored large numbers of fugitive slaves.
The New Orleans Commercial Bulletin suggested in 1859 that fifteen
hundred slaves had escaped each year for fifty years. This figure applied
to the entire South and was said to represent an outer limit of the possible;
even so, this would have accounted for but seventy-five thousand fugitives,
the upper figure sometimes given for Canada West alone. When the
Baltimore Sun said, in 1856, that all living fugitives were worth thirty
million dollars, it also suggested that the average value was nearly $9,000,
a patent untruth.8
12. The abolitionists, who might also have wished to exaggerate thensuccesses, were less sanguine. In 1861 the American Anti-Slavery Society
estimated that the total number of slaves who had escaped was well below
seventy-five thousand. Most were thought to be in the North.9

13. The fugitives who did reach the British provinces were by no means
entirely happy. A number returned to the northern states, through which
they had passed while seeking out the North Star, further reducing the
total in the Canadas. At the beginning of the Civil War, more returned.
14. After the Fugitive Slave Bill was passed, abolitionists on the border,
such as Henry Bibb, Isaac Rice, and Hiram Wilson, reported that fugitives
were arriving at the rate of thirty a day. This seems a substantial figure,
and indeed it was when so many descended upon the strained resources of
Rice or Wilson. Yet were this so, the post-1850 fugitive black population
of Canada West alone (setting aside those who returned to the North or
died in the province) would have been 110,000 in 1860, a clear absurdity.
At the height of the fugitive influx, the total Negro population of Amherst­
burg—the single most important entry point for refugees—was at most
eight hundred; and during the eighteen months of initial panic after pas­
sage of the bill, even the Toronto Globe set the figure at no higher than
three thousand.10
15. On occasion free Negroes from the northern states moved into the
Canadas and pretended to be fugitives in order to attract the sympathy of
Canadian abolitionists or to benefit from the fugitive slave hostels. In
1854, for example, a free black barber from New Hampshire twice raised
money to reach Canada by claiming that his master was pursuing him.
Many of the begging preachers appear to have been free men.11
16. One of the most publicized of the Underground Railroad depots
was that run by the fugitive J. W. Loguen in Syracuse. His activities were
not secret, and once in a free state a fugitive could learn of Loguen and
his work. Yet in nearly nine years in Syracuse, Loguen—whose account
is exaggerated on other matters—saw but fifteen hundred fugitive slaves,
not all of whom moved on to the Canadas.12
17. Studies of Negro songs and folk tales in Canada show relatively
few references to fugitives. More important, recent investigations of
southern slave songs show that Canaan, the Promised Land, and the New
Jerusalem were equated most often with Africa and seldom with Canada.
In the South, those slaves who contemplated other lands did not appear
to have had the British provinces uppermost in their minds.13

would tell how "a female, Patsey Williams, of Kentucky, on her way to Canada,
passed through Rochester Thursday" {Stratford [C. W.] Beacon, May 31, 1861).
7. And the "six covered wagons filled with Negroes" hailed by the Owen Sound
Comet on May 18, 1852, were the same covered wagons earlier praised by the
Detroit press.
8. Gara, Liberty Line, p. 153, quoting Baltimore Sun of March 13. The St.
Catharines Journal esU'mated in 1857 that “1,500 to 2,000 slaves" were brought to
Canada annually, predicted an end to slavery in the South, and that there would be
no blacks in Canada by 1900. See The St Catharines and Lincoln Historical Society,
St. Catharines A to Z by Junius 1856 ([St Catharines, 1967]), p. [70].
9. Ibid., pp. 38-40.

10. Anti-Slavery Reporter, n.s., 4 (1856), 135; Toronto Globe, June 10, 1852;
Montreal Gazette, Oct 4, 1860. See W. H. Withrow, “The Underground Railway,"
RSC, Proceedings and Transactions, sec. 2, 8 (1902), 73; Fred Landon, "Canada’s
Part in Freeing the Slave,” OHS, Papers and Records, 17 (1919), 74-84; and Landon,
"The Negro Migration to Canada after the Passing of the Fugitive Slave Act," JNH,
5 (1920), 22-36.
11. Siebert, Underground Railroad, p. 249.
12. Loguen, The Rev. J&gt;W. Loguen, as a Slave and as a Freeman: A Narrative
of Real Life (Syracuse, N.Y., 1859), p. 444.
13. Helen Creighton, “Folklore of Lunenburg County, Nova Scotia," National

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The Blacks in Canada

18. This is not surprising, for the slaves were kept in ignorance of
British North America, and most of them were probably not, at the
moment of their escape, thinking of taking refuge under the lion’s paw.
Slaveholders emphasized the harshness of the northern climate, denied
their slaves maps or the education that would enable them to read them,
and suggested that all Canadians spoke French, worshipped idols, and
executed black men upon arrival. Lewis Clarke, in memoirs published in
1845, said that he had been told that Canadians would skin his head,
eat his children, poke out their eyes, and wear their hair as coat collars.
Even so astute a Negro as Frederick Douglass thought that Canada was
where “the wild goose and the swan repaired at the end of winter” and
not “the home of man.” 14
19. These estimates, confusions, and exaggerations were added to by
the publications of contemporary observers. In 1860, Reverend William M.
Mitchell published in London an influential book on The Under-Ground
Railroad. A free Negro who had been a slave driver, Mitchell lived in
Toronto after 1855 as an agent for the American Baptist Free Mission
Society. He claimed that the railroad had been operating for a quarter
of a century and that “nearly two thousand” fugitives reached “Canada”
each year. This would have meant a total fugitive population of fifty
thousand; and allowing for deaths his estimate was forty-five thousand.
This figure, then, is well below many of the estimates, and yet it is given
by a man who had every reason to enlarge it, since he used his book as
a medium by which he solicited funds for his church and school in Canada
West; many of the communitarian settlers condemned him as “a pious
fraud.” 10 Later it was suggested that in 1860 alone five hundred Negroes
“from Canada” went into the slave states to rescue others, a figure that
surely confuses border crossings into the North for business, social, and
religious purposes with antislavery journeys. Even so industrious and
courageous a person as Harriet Tubman made not more than nineteen
(and probably fifteen) such trips over eight years.10
Museum of Canada, Bulletin No. 117 (Ottawa, 1950), pp. 86, 127; Creighton, “Songs
from Nova Scotia,” Journal of the International Folk Music Council, 12 (I960),
84-85; W. J. Wintemberg, “Some Items of Ncgro-Canadian Folk-Lore,” The Journal
of American Folk-Lore, 38 (1925), 621; Arthur Huff Fausct, “Folklore from the
Half-Breeds in Nova Scotia," ibid., pp. 300-15; Fausct, cd., Folklore from Nova
Scotia (New York, 1931), pp. vii-xiv.
14. Narrative of the Sufferings of Lewis Clarke, during a Captivity of More than
Twenty-Five Years, Among the Algerines of Kentucky . . . (Boston, 1845), pp. 3940; Douglass, Life and Times of Frederick Douglass (Hartford, Conn., 1884) pp.
198-99.
^
15. Mitchell, The Under-Ground Railroad, pp. 3-5, 71, 113.
16. Herbert Aptheker gives this figure in The Negro in the Abolitionist Move­
ment (New York, 1941), p. 16, perhaps drawing it from Benjamin Brawlcy, A Short
History of the American Negro, 2nd rev. ed. (New York, 1927), p. 78.

A Continental Abolitionism?
Another of the chief accounts of the Underground Railroad was by
William Still, a free Negro who from 1847 was on the staff of the
Pennsylvania Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery. Philadelphia
was a prime entrepot for fugitive slaves, and many visited Still at his home;
during fourteen years of active work on behalf of escaping slaves, includ­
ing a visit to Canada West in 1855, he kept detailed records from which,
in 1872, he published his Record of Facts. Subsequent students of the
Railroad drew heavily upon this massive volume of 780 finely printed
pages, twice revised and extended, of narratives and letters.17 Yet a close
reading of Still’s work, together with an examination of his manuscripts,
does not support the notion that great streams of fugitives reached British
North America through the medium of “the Road.’’ Still gives evidence on
892 fugitives in his volume—although there appear to be more, some are
repetitions—and he provides names for most. Of these, he gives evidence
clearly showing that 112 reached the Canadas, and he asserts on nine
other occasions, without evidence, that fugitives did so; the rest are left
departing from Philadelphia with “their faces set Canada-wards.” From
the names provided by Still, one may identify five more who reached
Canada West, unknown to him. No doubt there were others, for many
fugitives changed their names—if not always radically, as when John
Atkinson became John Atkins—and a number, not alone on Still’s evi­
dence, could have passed for white after arriving in the provinces. None­
theless, the figures that one may project as safely having reached British
North America via Philadelphia are not, despite Still’s frequent usage of
Canada as a presumptive goal, very large.18
20. Subsequent scholarship added to the figures. Many volumes re­
peated the estimates. Some, such as Homer Uri Johnson’s From Dixie
to Canada: Romances and Realities of the Underground Railroad, pub­
lished in 1894,10 are presented as factual, when they were in truth a
pastiche of tales. Other works, such as the highly influential treatment by
Wilbur H. Siebert, The Underground Railroad from Slavery to Freedom—
the first genuinely scholarly study of the fugitive slaves’ escape routes,
published in 1898—further fed the legend. Siebert (whose position at his

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Letters, &amp;c . . . (Philadelphia); Siebert, Underground Railroad, p. 234, n. 1; Drew,
North-Side View of Slavery, p. 43. I have examined the Letter Book of William
Still, and the Journal of the Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Society Underground Rail­
road in the PSHS, and they add little to Still’s published account
18. A number of Still’s letters have been reprinted in Carter G. Woodson, ed.,
“Letters Largely Personal and Private," JNH, 11 (1926), 104-75. See also Larry
Gara, "William Still and the Underground Railroad,” Pennsylvania History, 28
(1961), 33-44; and C. Lightfoot Roman, The Underground Railroad (Valleyfield,
P.Q., [1933]), passim.
19. (Orwell, Ohio), vol. 1 (no further volumes published); 2nd cd., 1896.

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university was in European rather than American history) worked from
published materials, a lengthy questionnaire he sent to aging antislavery
advocates, and from conversations with former fugitives. He did not verify
the published accounts—many of them repetitive, taken from each other—
against manuscript sources, and he accepted the answers to his question­
naire at face value. His descriptions and references—to “taking an agency”
for the Railroad, or “employees of the U.G.R.R.”—tended to suggest a
greater degree of organization than existed.20 Even so careful a scholar as
western Ontario’s Fred Landon, the foremost student of the Negro settle­
ments in Canada West, was content to accept from Siebert and elsewhere
the estimates of sixty thousand fugitives, did not distinguish carefully
between fugitive and free Negroes, and reported that after 1850 “the early
trickle which had become a stream turned for a time into a torrent.”
Siebert’s work, Landon concluded, was “authoritative.” 21

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today are descendants of fugitive slaves, the slave condition, poverty, and
America—inheritors of the disgrace of both caste and mark. In 1956 when
a journalist, J. C. Furnas, asked acquaintances to guess at the total number
of fugitive slaves, the average reply set the figure at 270,000; some
answered a million.22 Is it little wonder, then, that one heritage of the
fugitive slave period, for Canadians, is an easy assumption of Negro
uniformity? The legend of the Underground Railroad and its aftermath
has united all Canadian Negroes into a single group in the eyes of white
Canadians, reinforcing those prejudices which grow from the notion that
an ethnic group must be viewed as a single social unit. To Canadians,
Negroes were a monolith, both because of their color and because of their
presumed origins as fugitive slaves—origins probably shared by no more
than half the Negro population of Canada today.
British North Americans who read the literature of the Underground
Railroad, the fugitive slaves, and the abolitionists in general also were
reinforced in their consciousness of moral purity. Some few accounts—by
Drew, Henson, Ward, Israel Campbell, and Austin Steward in particular 23
—remarked upon the incidence of prejudice in the Canadas and compared
Canada West to the northern states; but the great mass of fugitive nar­
ratives were unstinting in their praise of the Canadian haven and found
no occasion to mention the quasi-segregated pattern of life developing
there, the numerous demeaning incidents that the fugitives encountered,
or the morass of conflicting claims made upon the confused fugitive by
missionary groups, communal settlements, and school societies. In the
thirty most widely known fugitive slave accounts published between 1836
and 1859, British North America is mentioned in all but four; of these
twenty-six accounts, few can be said to provide anything like a realistic
picture of conditions in Canada West.24
The structure of these fugitive slave narratives tended to be similar.
Often the fugitive was said to have “much white blood” flowing in his
veins, was forced to watch drunken masters down great quantities of
whiskey (for the books also preached temperance), and had to listen to
s, and b----- h”) from which religion was a
foul language (“d—n, b
solace taken despite the master’s disapproval. During the flight one was
usually helped by Quakers, met a band of Indians, and kissed the earth
of Canada. Much was written off as “substantially, if not literally, true,” as
Loguen remarked. For the white reader, interest focused upon the exciting

That Siebert’s Underground Railroad existed is quite true. Many brave
and selfless men labored for it in behalf of the fugitive slaves. Thousands
of fugitives did find refuge in Canada West And one should not denigrate
the estimates contemporary to 1860 without putting something in their
place. This is difficult, for the censuses were inaccurate, the fugitives often
stayed in the Canadas only a few weeks, and no figures are available with
consistency from school, tax, or voting records, since some but not all
provide an indication of color. On the basis of my own research, the best
I can offer—in addition to the statement in the Appendix—is that by
1860 the black population of Canada West alone may have reached forty
thousand, three-quarters of whom had been or were fugitive slaves or their
children, and therefore beneficiaries of the Underground Railroad.
But the legend outgrew the reality in Canada, as legends invariably do
without the correctives of time, logic, or scholarship. And the legend fed
the twentieth-century assumption that nearly all black men in Canada
20. Siebert wrote many articles on the underground railroad, as well as his mas­
sive book, cited previously, The Underground Railroad from Slavery to Freedom (see
pp. 29, 70-72, 76, 151). He confuses the date of his interviews, however (compare
p. 194 n. 1, and p. 249 n. 4). The uncritical acceptance of his book is shown in the
Siebert Papers in the Houghton Library, vol. 45 of which contains letters and reviews
(including Canadian ones) on its publication. See, for example, the Montreal Star,
Jan. 28,1899.
21. Landon, “Canada and the Underground Railroad," Kingston Historical Society,
Reports and Proceedings (1923), p. 17, and “The Underground Railway along the
Detroit River," Michigan History, 39 (1955), 63-68. The chief volumes that build
upon Siebert are: Hildegarde Hoyt Swift, The Railroad to Freedom (New York,
1932); Henrietta Buckmaster [Henkle], Let My People Go: The Story of the Under­
ground Railroad (New York, 1941); and William Breyfogle, Make Free: The Story
of the Underground Railroad (Philadelphia, 1958).

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22. Furnas, Goodbye to Uncle Tom (New York, [1956]), p. 239.
23. Henson, Ward, Steward, and Drew have been cited previously. Campbell’s
account, an unusually able one, was Bond and Free: or, Yearnings for Freedom . . .
(Philadelphia, 1861); see especially pp. 199, 203-39, 251-64, 291-97.
24. See those titles discussed in Nelson, “Negro in Literature," pp. 60-67.

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moment of escape from the master and the long journey northward to
freedom; a secondary interest lay in accounts of life on the plantation,
culminating in a series of brutalities which precipitated the decision to
flee. Little space was given to the post-escape life of the fugitive, in part
because the narratives often were written soon after the fugitive had
arrived in the North or in Canada, and in larger part because the later
aspects of the story held less intrinsic interest. Even Benjamin Drew, in his
A North-Side View of Slavery—published in Boston in 1856 by John P.
Jewett, the enterprising publisher of Uncle Tom’s Cabin—gave most of
his space to accounts of how the fugitives escaped, despite his announced
intention to provide a record of “the history and condition of the colored
population of Upper Canada.”
Representative accounts were those by J. W. Loguen, Moses Roper, and
Laura Haviland, and those on Harriet Tubman. Loguen was born in
Tennessee, the natural son of a white man and a slave mother. His flight to
freedom, in 1834-35, was a daring undertaking; during his five years in
Canada West he learned to read, took a two-hundred-acre farm (which he
lost because of a partner’s bad judgment), and spoke of acquiring British
citizenship. He turned to teaching school in Utica, New York; became an
elder in the African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church (and in 1868, a
bishop); and was for some years a teacher and minister in Syracuse,
where he was one of the prime movers in the “Jerry rescue,” leading to his
taking temporary refuge with Hiram Wilson in Canada. He died in 1872.
Loguen’s autobiography, which is contradictory and unclear on dates and
sequences, became an important primary source for historians. Although
Loguen stated that there was no Underground Railroad at the time of his
flight, the Dictionary of American Biography later would note how his
escape revealed that “preliminary surveys” had been made for the under­
ground system and that “a few lines already ran . . . as unerringly as
railroads run through the large towns and cities.” 25 On the other hand
Roper, whose narrative sold widely in England, went on to London. Later
he became famous in British North America through a lecture tour.20
It was in Sarah Bradford’s biography of Harriet Tubman in 1869 that
several of the songs allegedly sung as the fugitives crossed the Suspension
25. See Loguen, as a Slave and as a Freeman, which despite its date (1859) con­
tains letters for 1860; Wfilliam] H. A[Uison], “Jermain W. Loguen," DAB 11 (1943),
368-69; James Egert Allen, The Negro in New York (New York, 1964)*, pp. 74-75J
and Rhodes House, Oxford, Anti-Slavery Papers: Wilson to Scoble, Feb. 24, 1852!
The Syracuse Public Library’s copy of Loguen’s book contains a note indicating
that he was sixty-three when he died, which suggests that he was bom in 1810 (the
DAB says 1813); the New York Tribune for Oct. 1, 1872, contains an obituary.
26. Roper’s account was A Narrative of the Adventures and Escapes of Moses
Roper, from American Slavary, 3rd ed. (London, 1839).

/I Continental Abolitionism?

243

Bridge at the Niagara frontier were first recorded. The most famous words
betrayed abolitionist and non-Negro origins, however, even as printed
in the Bradford account:
I’m now embarked for yonder shore,
Where a man’s a man by law.
De iron horse will bear me o’er,
To ‘shake de lion’s paw’;
Oh, righteous Father, wilt thou not pity me,
And help me on to Canada, where all de slaves are free.
Oh I heard Queen Victoria say,
That if we would forsake,
Our native land of slavery,
And come across de lake,
Dat she was standing on de shore,
Wid arms extended wide,
To give us all a peaceful home,
Beyond de rolling tide.
To this Bradford added, “No doubt the simple creatures . . . expected
to cross a wide lake instead of a rapid river, and to see Queen Victoria
with her crown upon her head, waiting with arras extended wide, to fold
them all in her embrace.” 27
Laura Haviland, a white Canadian-born Quaker “Superintendent of
the Underground,” also was the subject of much postemancipation writing
in Canada. Her narrative, A Woman’s Life Work, although rambling, un­
clear, and filled with fictitious dialogue, unquestionably shows that she
aided several fugitives to escape, knew Hiram Wilson and Isaac Rice, and
was to the Detroit frontier what Harriet Tubman was to the Niagara. In
addition to her active part in the Anderson extradition case, Laura Havi­
land taught school and, hoping to avoid denominational strife, opened a
Christian Union Church in the Puce River area in 1852-53 with the
support of Henry Bibb and two Detroit philanthropists. She suffered all
the publicized rigors of the Canadian climate, frequently awakening “with
snow sifting on her face, and not infrequently [finding] the snow half an
inch or more deep on her bed upon rising in the morning.” 28 The point at
27. Sarah Bradford, Harriet Tubman: The Moses of Her People, 2nd ed. (New
York, 1886); Smith College, Sophia Smith Collection: Martha Coffin Wright to
Lucretia Coffin Mott, n.d. [18601; Earl Conrad, Harriet Tubman (Washington, 1943),
passim. Conrad suggests there were fifteen trips, Bradford mentions nineteen. The
author visited the Harriet Tubman Memorial Home, near Auburn, New York, but
found no useful memorabilia.
28. See Mildred E. Danforth, A Quaker Pioneer: Laura Haviland, Superintendent
of the Underground (New York, 1961), passim (the quotation is from p. 122);

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The Blacks in Canada

A Continental Abolitionism?

others who left moving mcmoirs-S ClariTe, »m»Brown!
Wilham Harrison—were honest, for on the whole they were, but that their

Sfern aV^ r;r0t *\ayS USed honeStIy by those wh0 generalized from

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refugees upon whom Drew commented, twelve were born free and kidnappcd into slavery or fled from fear of being kidnapped. Five were
passing as white. Ages ranged widely, with many being middle-aged (or
as Isaac Rice defined the term, over thirly-iree) and many much
fwithfall !e?!i aU Werf destitute» cominS as one said “like terrapins,
L,
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New York ,h *
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SttrataL'ym-ss-ifsa:

245

usually for Kingston, Cobourg, or Toronto. They made their way over the
lakes on steamers, in smaller craft, and in one instance by floating across
on a wooden gate—to land at Point Pelee, the ports of Burwell, Rowan,
Talbot, and Stanley, at Long Point and Fort Erie, and elsewhere. The
steamer Arrow, moving between Sandusky and Detroit under its noted
Captain J. W. Keith, transported a large number of fugitives; and small
vessels under Robert Wilson put in with “grain” which had been sent out
from an Ashtabula warehouse for human cargo. Toronto, Brantford, Oak­
ville, Collingwood, London, and the village of Shrewsbury, saw sharp
rises in their black populations as a result of such traffic. Others went
among the French near Windsor but, finding them “distant,” moved away
from the Detroit frontier, several establishing a short-lived all-Negro
town, New Kentucky, in 1860. In 1851 the Voice of the Fugitive said that
twenty-five hundred Negroes were at work on the railroad, and Ingersoll
attracted a number once the line was open to Windsor because wood for
the railway engines was cut and stored there. Some few went to the oil
field near Petrolia, at Oil Springs.31
Just how sharp the rise was in specific communities cannot be said. In
1852 Isaac Rice thought there were between one and two thousand Ne­
groes in Hamilton, while there were “not far from one hundred” in
Brantford and between two and three hundred in London. He set the
black population of Chatham at fifteen hundred, and on the Detroit fron­
tier at four thousand. Two years later Drew found a thousand Negroes in
Toronto, mostly in the northwest section of the city, which then had a
population of forty-seven thousand. He thought there were forty Negroes
in Galt, two hundred in Windsor, five hundred in Amherstburg (of a total
population of two thousand), nearly the same in Colchester (of fifteen
hundred population), and two thousand in or near Chatham of a total
population of six thousand. Dr. Howe found seven hundred Negroes in
St. Catharines, although the census had reported 472, and in Hamilton he
found five hundred where the census had enumerated only 62—unlikely,
given the large numbers reported for nearly a decade earlier. The census

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31. Montreal Gazette, Aug. 10, 1853; Drew, p. 300; London (Ont) Free Press,
June 21, 1926, June 30, 1956; Oakville (Ont.) Weekly Sun, Sept 7, 1960; Siebcrt,
Underground Railroad, pp. 83, 148-49; O. K. Watson, “Along the Talbot Road,”
Kentiana (n.p., 1939), p. 67; O. K. Watson, “Early History of Shrewsbury," Kent
Historical Society, Papers and Addresses, 6 (1924), 83-84; Lauriston, “Negro Col­
onies,” p. 96; John Nettleton, “Reminiscences, 1857-1870," Huron Institute, Papers
and Records, 2 (1914), 13-15; Fred London, “Over Lake Erie to Freedom," North­
west Ohio Historical Quarterly, 17 (1945), 132-38; Landon, “Fugitive Slaves in Lon­
don Ontario before 1860," London and Middlesex Historical Society, Transactions, 10
(1919), 37; Landon, “The Fugitive Slave Law and the Detroit River Frontier, 185061," Detroit Historical Society Bulletin, 7 (1950), 5-9.

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The Blacks in Canada

reported 510 Negroes in Toronto, while Dr. Howe found 934. The proper
numbers were not known and cannot now be recovered, but it is clear
that while the Negroes were not so numerous as subsequent myth-making
and contemporary abolitionist propaganda would lead one to believe,
they nonetheless were substantial, and on occasion—in Chatham, for
example—comprised as much as a third of the population.32
Conditions for the fugitives were, as before 1800, mixed. Some adjusted
readily and soon enjoyed relative prosperity. John W. Lindsey, who could
pass for white, was worth $10,000 or more, as were Aaron Siddles and
Henry Blue of Chatham. John Little and his wife—who moved into
Queen’s Bush—came to have over one hundred acres under good cultiva­
tion, could lend a friend $2,000, and owned a horse and carriage. In
London, A. B. Jones, who had arrived penniless, soon owned several
properties, one worth $4,000; and his brother, Alfred T., ran a prosperous
pharmacy. Some fugitives became brakemen on the Great Western Rail­
road, which paid well, while others helped clear new lands around Col­
chester. Apprentices earned $2.50 a week, and waiters, especially around
Niagara and in Toronto, received wages of $12.00 a month.
Still, lodgings might cost $15.00 a month and earnings were seldom
sufficient to replace clothing left behind, to pay for the journey to Canada
of wives and children who had remained in the South, or to pay doctor’s
bills. Most fugitives, badly dressed for the Canadian winters, arriving
“like frogs in Egypt,” were consumptive: one Toronto woman lost ten
children from tuberculosis.33 Thomas F. Page, a young man from the
upper South, reported “I do not like Canada, or the Provinces. I have been
to St. John, N.B., Lower Province, or Lower Canada, also St Catharines,
C.W., and all around the Canada side, and I do not like it at all. The
people seem to be so queer.” The more frequent sentiment probably lay
closer to that expressed by John H. Hill, a skilled carpenter and an officer
in a company of Negro rifle guards, who wrote to William Still, “I wants
you to let the whole United States know we are satisfied here because I
have seen more Pleasure since I came here than I saw in the U.S. the 24
years that I served my master.” “It is true,” he added the following year,
“that I have to work very hard for comfort but I would not exchange
32. Amherstburg Quarterly Mission Journal, 1, Sept 25, 28, Oct 12, 1852; Drew,
pp. 94-95, 118-19, 136, 147-48, 234-35, 321, 348-49; Siebcrt, pp. 220-21; Howe,
Refugees from Slavery, pp. 15-16. In 1843 Hiram Wilson had put the Negro popula­
tion of Canada West at sixteen thousand (BPL, Samuel J. May, Jr. Papers, 1:
circular, Sept 30).
33. London Free Press, June 12, 1954; M. Murray, “Stories of the Underground
Railroad," The Methodist Magazine and Review, 48 (1898), 221-22; Mitchell, UnderGround Railroad, pp. 158-67; Siebert, pp. 205, 223; Drew, pp. 149-53, 198-233,
250, 270-73; Still, Underground Rail Road, pp. 2, 51, 77, 152, 319, 324, 490, 598.

A Continental Abolitionism?

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with ten thousand slave that are equel [jtc] with their masters. I am
Happy, Happy.” “Those that will work,” remarked another, “do well—
those that will not—not; it is the same here as everywhere. It is the best
poor man’s country that I know of.”34
Until the economic panic of 1857, this judgment was a fair one. Jerry
of the famous rescue became a barrel-maker in Kingston, and the equally
famous Shadrach opened a restaurant in Montreal. In Toronto one Lemon
John prospered by peddling his special ice creams about the streets, and in
Saint John the city’s ice trade was the monopoly of a Negro, Robert
Whetsel. Joseph Mink became wealthy by managing a line of stages
running from Toronto. In Colchester, Nathan S. Powell survived by
manufacturing and selling Powell’s Indian Tonic. In Bronte a refugee
opened the first blacksmith shop; in Otterville a fugitive ran the only
saloon. Still others made rope, worked as fishermen, in the brickyards
and slaughterhouses, in livery stables, and as carpenters. Many women
were servants, as they had been in the South, or opened dress-making or
wig shops. In Hamilton, Negroes were in charge of the dead cart during
the 1850s—a fact that cuts two ways—and New Brunswick had a black
hangman who was regarded as standing apart from humanity, as had
been the executioner of Quebec, Mathew Leveille of Martinique, in the
previous century. Many Negroes, it was said, were “well dressed, quite
clean and interesting,” and owned houses that were “patterns of neat­
ness.” 35
Indeed, the desire of most fugitives, once they had looked about and
had overcome the initial period of adjustment, was to acquire a house and
land. Most of the whites shared this goal, representative as it was of the
middle-class values to which the fugitives often attached themselves. One,
John Long, had owned land in the area that became Toronto in the 1830s,
34. Still, p. 333, Oct. 6, on Page; pp. 194, 197, Hill to Still, n.d. Pate 1853], and
Sept. 14, 1854; Robert Jones to Still, Aug. 9, 1856, p. 272; and pp. 250-54; Drew,
P. 172.
35. Fort Malden “Fugitive Slave File"; New York Tribune, Oct. 24, 1857; London
Free Press, July 5, 1924, April 30, 1932; Toronto Star, Aug. 11, 1943; NBM, "Whetscl Family" file; The Life of Rev. James Thompson, The World’s Wonder (Rich­
mond, Va., 1885), pp. 13-23; Eber M. Pettit, Sketches in the History of the Under­
ground Railroad . . . (Fredonia, N.Y., 1879), p. 53; Nina Moore Tiffany, “Stories
of the Fugitive Slaves, II: Shadrach," The New England Magazine, n.s., 2 (1890),
283; Blodwen Davies, Storied York: Toronto Old and New (Toronto, 1931), p. 68;
Marjorie Freeman Campbell, A Mountain and a City: The Story of Hamilton
(Toronto, 1966), p. 113; Lloyd A. Macham, A History of Moncton Town and City,
1855-1965 (Moncton, N.B., 1965), p. 67; A. Carle Smith, The Mosaic Province of
New Brunswick (Saint John, 1965), p. 93; Andrd Lachance, Le Bourreau au Canada
sous le regime frangais (Quebec, 1966), pp. 79-81; Colonial Church and School
Society Report for 1856-7 (PAC microfilm): A-325, p. 55, Nov. 1, 1856.

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A Continental Abolitionism?

The Blacks in Canada

and a number had acquired property in the Niagara district before 1850
and without benefit of communitarian practices. By 1853, one investigator
estimated, 276 Negroes in London owned real estate valued at $13,504—
an average higher than for whites in the city.
In 1862 Dr. Howe found that one in eleven of Malden’s Negroes paid
taxes on property, while one in thirteen in Chatham were so taxed. (In
both cases, one in every three or four whites owned ratable property.)
But in Windsor one in five blacks, and only one in seven whites, were ratepayers. In this case, however, the average assessment on white-owned
property was $18.76, while on black it was $4.18; in Chatham the figures
had been $10.63 and $4.98 respectively.36 And prejudice operated to keep
even those Negroes who could afford better properties from moving else­
where.
Few fugitives attempted to deny that they encountered substantial
prejudice. In the 1850s city directories began to designate those residences
and businesses owned by Negroes. Blacks were expelled from camp meet­
ings, and those churchmen who—like Cronyra in London—wished to
help educate the fugitive, now argued that separate schools were needed
because of white opposition. Dresden was called “Nigger Hole” by those
who had opposed the Dawn settlement; racial jokes increased in the press;
Negroes who, a decade or two earlier, had been able to employ whites
to work for them no longer could do so. Throughout British North America
blacks were thought, by some, to be responsible for “all the outrageous
crimes, and two thirds of the minor ones”; chicken coops and laundry lines
were said to require special protection where black men were about; and
their women were blamed for an alleged rise in prostitution. Hotels in
Hamilton, Windsor, Chatham, and London refused blacks admission, and
they could not purchase cabin-class tickets on the Chatham steamer. The
Montreal Gazette, turning back to the Nova Scotian experience, suggested
that the fugitives should be sent to Sierra Leone. Beginning in 1855,
auctioneers at the sale of building lots in the Windsor area refused to take
bids from any Negroes, the city’s Herald remarking that an owner had the
right to “preserve his property from deterioration.” Negroes should wish to
stay with their own people, and if they did not they were welcome to
leave. To oppose intermarriage and social mixing was not to be pro­
slavery. So long as blacks remained in Canada West, the Herald warned,
they would “ever have to contend with their superiors,” and thus one
36. Edwin C. Giullet, Toronto from Trading Post to Great City (Toronto, 1934),
p. 310; [Archibald Bremner], City of London Ontario. Canada: The Pioneer Period
and the London of To-day (London, 1897), pp. 60-61; Howe, pp. 61-62; Siebert,
p. 232.

249

helped them by refusing to sell them land. Canada West had become,
according to Samuel Ringgold Ward, writing in what John Scoble called
his “belligerent spirit,” “beneath and behind Yankee feeling” in its colorphobia.37
The widely held Canadian view that there was a disproportionate
number of Negroes in prison, jails, or the insane asylum was current well
before 1850—and it cannot be supported. In 1851 the provincial institu­
tion for the insane in Canada West had only one Negro among 220
patients. The Reports of Penitentiary Inspectors tended to emphasize the
“high percentage” of Negroes behind bars, while noting that fugitives
educated only to slavery naturally were more prone to petty crime. Nor are
the percentages particularly high: in fact, of the 3,223 persons who
enjoyed Toronto’s jail in 1859, 117 were black. Of 1,057 women committed in 1856, only eight were black; and of the Kingston penitentiary’s
125 prisoners, eight also were Negroes. But each Negro offense received
major publicity: when blacks burned down the barns of three of their
opponents; when a Negro stabbed a colleague in a raffle, another murdered an Indian, and two beat a white to death—all in 1852; when one
Negro killed another over noise in a Negro church in 1853; and when
two black men murdered a mail carrier in 1859 and were hanged. Through­
out these years the begging preachers and agents continued to be much
in the news over their suits, assaults, and petty thefts.38 Public opinion
considered that fugitives were too often not punished for minor crimes out
of sympathy for their condition: “it was found,” according to the Montreal
Gazette as early as 1842, “to be a sufficient reason to be an Indian or

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37. Windsor Herald, Oct. 20, Nov. 3, 1855; Montreal Gazette, April 18, Sept. 16,
1851; Sarnia Observer, Nov. 25, 1859; Hamilton Canadian Illustrated News, 1
(1862), 8, 44, (1863), 131; Chambers, Things as They are in America, pp. 2728; Dclany, Niger Valley Exploring Party, p. 71; Ward, Autobiography, pp. 14446, 202; Lauriston, Romantic Kent, p. 383; Edith C. Firth, ed., The Town of York,
1815-1834: A Further Collection of Documents of Early Toronto (Toronto, 1966),
pp. 333-34.
38. See, for example, Windsor Herald, Jan. 4, 1856; London (C.W.) Times,
May 4, 1849; Toronto News of the Week, Aug, 28, Nov. 6, Dec. 24, 1852, March 12,
1853; The Friend of Man, Aug. 30, 1837; Brantford Expositor, July 31, Aug. 6,
1852; the Inspector’s Reports in the Appendixes to the Journal of the House of
Assembly of Upper Canada, 1837-38, and the Journals of the Legislative Assembly
of the Province of Canada, 1841-43, 1860; Linton, Liquor Law, p. 24; and James
Silk Buckingham, Canada, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and the Other British
Provinces in North America, with a Plan of National Colonization (London, n.d.),
P- 67. Of 5,346 people committed to Toronto jail in 1857, only 78 were Negroes
(W. G. Brownlow and Abram Pryne, Ought American Slavery to be Perpetuated?
. . [Philadelphia, 1858], pp. 237-38).

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The Blacks in Canada

A Continental Abolitionism?

251

Negro to escape the gallows, no matter what crime they may have com­
mitted.” 38 In short, the record was broken even before it was played.
This rising tide of prejudice, remarked upon by nearly all of the white
members of Canadian antislavery organizations and many of the refugees
themselves, was ascribed by most to four groups of people. All singled
out the American-born settlers—or those who had acquired “Yankee
ways”—who moved into the Niagara peninsula and, in greater numbers,
into the extreme southwest corner of the province. Most had occasion to
include Irish settlers as a source of anti-Negro sentiment. Others suggested
that former planters from the West Indies and their children—having lost
their patrimony and now displaced from what they considered to have been
a leading position in Imperial society—were enemies of the black man.
Finally, nearly everyone had an amorphous body of villains to blame,
those “lower orders” of whatever ethnic or national origin (including but
not limited to the Irish settlers) with whom the Negroes competed for
work and with whose women black men allegedly were able to make
their way. To prove any of these contentions would be impossible; of
the fugitive at the time no proof was asked. They were, many perceived,
what James G. Birney—twice the Liberty Party’s presidential candidate—
had predicted they would be: “an inferior class" in the “bleak and hyper­
borean regions. » 40
Why this should have been so may not be answered clearly. Certainly
imported prejudices played a role. Certainly the pressures created by a
growing awareness of mass Negro arrivals, to compete for labor and
allegedly to add to the crime rate, contributed. The persistence of selfconscious Negro associations, of separate communities, of improvement
societies such as the Sons of Uriah or the Negro Order of Odd Fellows,
and of all-Negro churches, were both a symptom of prejudice and a con­
tributor to it Unquestionably the flow of fugitives changed in character
after 1850 as a result of the Fugitive Slave Act, that desperate compromise
by which nationalist American statesmen attempted yet again to hold the
union together. The new fugitives were not only more numerous but
poorer, more ready to take fright, armed and suspicious. Among British
North Americans there was a growing awareness of the many moral
ambiguities thrust upon them by the fugitives and their problems. This
awareness helped to induce that confusion which has always been present

when Canadians have had to deal with issues not of their own making but
arising mostly from the unfortunate circumstance of sharing a continent
with a giant neighbor where confusion and moral ambiguity were magni­
fied, more passionate, and seemingly endemic.
In short, and as we have seen, British North Americans shared the
patterns of prejudice found in the North, although these patterns appeared
in colors muted by distance from the central scene of action. So, too, were
these patterns varied even within Canada West, and economic realities
again provided the conditions that led to those differences. Systematic
prejudice—in the schools, in the churches, in the sale of property—was
mild in the eastern part of the southwestern peninsula, in Hamilton, and
north into Toronto, while it was relatively stringent in the western part.
One explanation for this observable difference—noted at the time and
clear from the evidence now—is that Hamilton and Toronto were pros­
perous, especially after 1854 and even after 1857 despite the slump, and
that the building trades were in need of much semiskilled labor, so that
Irish and Negro alike could find jobs; while at the frontier on the west,
opposite Detroit, the economy was not able to absorb the new arrivals,
Prejudice, always individual, was also a matter of the moment, the place,
and the market, however, for discrimination was widely practiced in St.
Catharines, despite this geographical generalization.
But if many of the cherished beliefs of Canadians—then and since
about the haven they provided fugitives from federal marshals are myths,
or at least exaggerated, a countervailing fact also remains indisputably
true: in British North America, the Negro remained equal in the eyes of
the law—after the abolition of slavery, and setting aside the growing
tendency toward segregated education, a most damaging exception to be
dealt with in a later chapter. Although challenged in 1851, Negro jurors
and jury foremen served in Toronto and elsewhere, and Negroes gave
evidence with full legal protection. They generally were taxed as the white
man was, were punished in no harsher a manner than any other criminals,
and cast their votes openly and with impunity. British consuls looked after
the black Canadian’s interests when he was abroad with the same care
that any British subject might expect, and even American consuls in the
British provinces treated Negro Canadians with the respect that was their
due.41 If social and economic realities did not conform to legislative and

39. [D. N. Haskell], The Boston Committee in Canada: A Series of Eight Letters
reprinted from the Boston Atlas (Boston, 1851), p. 19; Anti-Slavery Reporter, n.s.,
4 (1856), 134, 166, 229-30; The Provincial Freeman, July 4, 1857.
40. Quoted in William H. and Jane H. Pease, eds., The Antislavery Argument
(Indianapolis, Ind., 1965), p. 46.

41. Anti-Slavery Reporter, June 21, 1843, and n.s., 4 (1856), 230, Voice of the
Fugitive, July 2, 1851; Toronto Globe, Oct 8, 1859; Ottawa Citizen, May 3, 1867«
PRO, BTI/479: Francis Waring, consul, Norfolk, Va., to J. T. Briggs, Oct 25, and
ends., in re New Brunswick Negro Antonio Nicholas; NA, Foreign Semce Post
Records, C.D., Halifax: cases of destitute Negro seamen (e.g., no. 6, R. W. Fraser

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A Continental Abolitionism?

The Blacks in Canada

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to William L. Marcy, Nov. 8, 1853, and no. 7, Dec. 14, 1854); Murray, “AngloAmerican Anti-Slavery Movement," pp. 324-27.
42. A-325, Report for 1856-7, p. 60: Nov. 1.
43. A longer version of the material that follows appears in Robin W. Winks,
“‘A Sacred Animosity’: Abolitionism in Canada," in Martin Duberman, ed., The
Anti-Slavery Vanguard: New Essays on the Abolitionists (Princeton, NJ., 1965), PP301-42.

*

253

events in and after 1850 in particular—the Larwill election campaign, a
public petition relating to segregated schools, and the passage of the Fugitive
Slave Bill—made such a society imperative in the minds of those who had
followed the color question in the United States with growing apprehension.
There was a ready-made group of Negro sympathizers in the white
Canadians who had contributed to the support of Wilberforce, Dawn, and
Elgin.44
Foremost among Canada’s abolitionists was George Brown, the powerful
editor of the province’s most important newspaper, the Toronto Globe.
Brown had shown an interest in the condition of the Negro in Canada
from the journal’s inception in 1844. He, his brother Gordon, his father
Peter, and his sister Isabella formed the nucleus of an antislavery society
in Toronto; and Isabella’s husband, Thomas Henning, was the first secre­
tary of the Canadian Anti-Slavery Society as well as a member of the
Globe's editorial staff until 1854.45 Far more restrained than Garrison’s
Liberator and far more forthright than the lesser abolition sheets, the
Globe provided the antislavery group with a forum for the “sacred ani­
mosity” its owners held toward slavery.40 In his paper Brown attacked
Henry Clay, the Fugitive Slave Law, Larwill, Prince, and separate schools
with equal force, for—as he wrote—Canadians had the “duty of preserv­
ing the honour of the continent” against slavery.47
The Toronto-based group were able to ground their work on previously
established channels of communication. In 1827 Samuel Cornish and a
Quebec-educated Jamaican, John Browne Russwurm, editors of Freedom’s
Journal, which they published in New York for two years, had sent agents
into Canada to solicit support. Negroes in Windsor had established a short­
lived antislavery society there, and Upper Canadians, led by John Roaf,
a Congregational minister, had attended a temperance convention in Sara­
toga Springs, New York, in 1837, making contact with many American
abolitionists.48 As a result, Reverend Ephraim Evans, a Wesleyan Meth-

legal forms, those forms at least limited the ways in which prejudice
might make itself felt.
Still, the hierarchy of the unequal will have its way. In British North
America, as in the United States, the Kingdom of Individuals would be
long in coming. Even those who felt most committed in that cause, mem­
bers of the Anti-Slavery Society of Canada and others who worked with
the abolitionists to cleanse North America of that which George Brown
accepted as a continental rather than merely American stain, were limited
in their effectiveness by that sense of paternalism which may so easily shade
into a racism no less hurtful for its presumptive benevolence; for such
paternalism reveals the quiet arrogance of those who feel that they have
all to give to an underprivileged group and nothing to learn from it
Can one condone wholly—or condemn entirely—the blind, well-meaning
certitude of that missionary-teacher who, reporting to the Colonial Church
and School Society in 1856 of her Negro charges, concluded that “The
worse they are, the more need there is for British Christians to instruct,
enlighten and reform them”? 42
The major thrust in the Canadian contribution to worldwide abolition­
ism came not from the British mission boards, the self-segregated, selfhelp communities, the begging ministers, or the isolated Negroes of the
Maritime Provinces. These groups were interested in helping those blacks
who were citizens in British North America and in easing the adjustment of
the fugitives. Certainly individual members of some of the communities
helped to flay slavery through the press or hoped to weaken it by journeys
south of the border to guide fugitives toward freedom. Certainly, too,
many reasoned that any aid given to fugitives in British North America
made the provinces additionally attractive, and that by creating a magnet
for runaway slaves, they were helping to sap the strength of the institution.
But as collective bodies they did not attack slavery directly. Abolitionism
in British North America was expressed through attempts to subdue
prejudice within the provinces and efforts to lend vocal and moral support,
and limited financial aid, to the more exposed but also far more effective
abolitionist groups in the United States.43
The first major Canadian antislavery society was created to combat the
growing evidence of organized, group prejudice in Canada West. Three

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44. On the Negro issue in politics, see Winks, “Abolitionism in Canada," pp. 31718, n. 28.
45. J. M. S. Careless, Brown of the Globe, 1: The Voice of Upper Canada, 18181859 (Toronto, 1959), pp. 102-03; Syracuse Univ., Gerrit Smith Miller Papers:
Henning to Smith, Feb. 2, 13, 1861, Oct. 12, 1863; Columbia Univ., Gay Papers:
Henning to Gay, May 27, 1852, Feb. 18, 1854, April 11, 1855.
46. A phrase drawn from the Toronto Globe's notice, on June 8, 1860, of
Charles Sumner’s speech before the Senate, “The Barbarism of Slavery." See The
Works of Charles Sumner (Boston, 1874), J, 124.
47. See, for example, editorials of Feb. 7, March 19, May 28, Aug. 10, Sept 19,
Oct. 5, Nov. 9, 1850; Feb. 22, March 6, 27, April 3, 12, 18, May 10, 13, June 20,
Sept. 18, 25, Nov. 27, Dec. 18, 1851; and March 24, 1852.
48. Aptheker, Abolitionist Movement, p. 33; Washington, Story of the Negro, 2,
292-93; M. A. Garland, “Some Frontier and American Influences in Upper Canada

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                    <text>(

CANADA, with particular
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9. Fredericton
10. Charlottetown
11. Quebec
12. Montreal
13. Ottawa
14. Kingston
15. Toronto
16. Hamilton
17. St. Catharines
18. Orillia
19. Mattawa
20. London
2 I. Chatham
22. Windsor
23. North Bay
24. Sault Ste. Marie
25. Ft. William
26. Winnipeg
27. Portage La Proirie
28. Brandon

29. Killarney
30. Emerson
3 I. Regina
32. Moose Jaw
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35. Prince Albert
36. Kinistino
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38. Eldon
39. Maidstone
40. Wilkie
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44. Edmonton
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46. Athabaska
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48. Amber Valley
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52. Drayton Valley
53. Breton
54. Drumheller
55. Calgary

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57. Tilley
58. Cordston
59. Peoce River
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62. Kamloops
63. Yale
64. Hope
65. Penticton
66. New Westminster
67. Burnaby
68. Vancouver
69. Victoria
70. Prince Rupert
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72. Nanaimo
73. Vesuvius
74. Sidney
75. Saanich
76. Duncan
77. Ganges Harbour
78. Sooke
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80. Dawson Creek
81. Whitehorse
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6. Hartford
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9. Ballston
I0. Schenectady
11. Syracuse
12. Skaneateles
13. Rochester
14. Buffalo
15. Niagara Falls
16. Auburn

17. Utica18. New York City
19. Cleveland
20. Sandusky
2 I. Toledo
22. Oberlin
23. Columbus
24. Cincinnati
2 5. Philadelphia
26. Pittsburgh
27. Harrisburg
28, Indianapolis
29. Fountain City
30. Fort Woyne
3 I. Chicago
32. Springfield

33. Galesburg
34. Detroit
35. Pontiac
36. Flint
37. Lansing
38. Kalamazoo
39. Milwaukee
40. Waukesha
4 I. Duluth
42. St. Paul
43. Pembina
44. Havre
45. Browning
46. Bellingham
47. Seattle
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Morrisburg
Johnstown
Prescott
Edwordsburgh
Brockville

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Sherbrooke
Granby

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St. Armand
Fort Lennox

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1.
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6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.

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Utico
Ogdensburg
Rome
Peterboro
Syracuse
Auburn
Oswego
Lewiston
Rochester
Buffalo
Cope Vincent

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Towns — Michigan
1. Detroit
2. Pontiac
3. Port Huron
2 3.. Toronto
24. Burnhamthorpe
25. Etobicoke
26. Port Credit
27. Oakville
28. Burlington
29. Homillon
30. Stoney Creek
3 I. Mount Hope
32. Flamboro
33. Niagaro-on-the-Lake
34. St. Catharines
35. Jordan

36. Thorold

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52.

Niagara Foils
Port Colborne
Welland
Chippawa
Fori Erie
Queenston
Brantford
Paris
Ancaster
Dundas
Golt
Preston
Woterloo
Conestogo
Guelph
Kitchener

53.
54.
55.
56.
57.
58.

Woolwich
Elora
Stratford
Woodstock
Norwich
Simcoe

59. Chorlotlevllle

60.
6I.
62.
63.
64.
65.
66.
67.
68.
69.
70.
71.
72.
73.
74.
75.
76.
77.

Port Dover
Port Rowan
Port Burwell
Port Bruce
Port Stonley
Port Talbot
St.Thomas
London
Ingersoll
Lucon
Wilberforce
Goderich
Port Elgin
Owen Sound
Mount Forest
Meaford
Coltingwood
Barrie

78. Oro
79.
80.
8 I.
82,

Orillia
Penetanguishene
Sarnia
Petrolio

83.
84.
85.
86.
87.
88.
89.
90.
91.
92.
93.
94.

Oil Springs
Dawn Mills
Port Lampton
Dover Center
Walloceburg
Dawn
Dresden
Shrewsbury
Horwich
Howard
Buxton (Elgin)
Raleigh

95. Chatham
96.
97.
98.
99.
100.
101.
102.
103.
104.
105.
106.
107,
108.
109.
110.
III.

Camden
Blenheim
Rondeau
Belle River
Little River
Puce River
Windsor
Essex
New Canaan
Harrow
Fort Malden
Amherstburg
Colchester
Sandwich
Gosfietd
Otterville

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